Reagan-Bush Years (1980-1988)

The Demolition of Our Democracy Accelerates. And a Peek at Trump and Epstein

From a variety of sources, such as Whitney Webb (Unlimited Hangout), David Livingstone (Ordo ab Chao ) , RFK Jr (CHD), Russ Baker (Family of Secrets) , Sterling Seagrave (Gold Warrior) Cheri Seymour (The Last Circle),  etc.  Question Everything.

1980-Heinrich Rupp was a Swiss-born pilot employed at one time by Air America who was in the service of the Saudi Arabian Royal Family, flying King Fahd and Prince Faisal on various travels.

He flew for the CIA in the Middle East and Indo­ China, starting in the early 1960s. He was later a pilot for William Casey and McFarlane on trips to Cyprus, Zurich, and Central America. He was also employed by Lake Re­ sources, the Secord-Hakim front.

Rupp claims he flew Bush and Casey to Paris in October 1980 as part of the Reagan-Bush campaign effort designed to prevent the release of the U . S . hostages held in Iran before the U.S. presidential election:

Bush was in Paris for a limited number of hours , and after the meetings returned to the United States . Rupp flew Casey on to Frankfurt for further meetings

Allegedly present at the Paris meetings, of which he was an eyewitness, were: a) Vice President Bush , b) William Casey , then chairman of the Reagan Campaign , c) Donald Gregg , CIA officer for 28 years and at that time an official of the Carter National Security Council, d) Richard Allen, later Reagan first NSC chief. e) Iranian arms dealer and U . S . Customs Agent Cyrus Hash­ emi, f) a representative of Hashemi Rafsanjani in Teheran. g) Manucher Ghorbanifar, Iranian arms dealer, and h) Col. Robert Benes , an officer of French intelligence specializing in the Middle East.

The result of this meeting was said to be an agreement by the Reagan campaign to commit the United States to deliver $40 million worth of weapons to Iran, in exchange for the freeing of the U . S . hostages at a time spec­ ified by the Reagan campaign.

Former Iranian Prime Minister Abolhassan Bani-Sadr, now living in France, has stated that he knew that Khomeini was considering a secret deal with the Reagan-Bush campaign in late September 1 980

1980’s-Among mobbed up Roy Cohn’s friends were top media personalities like Barbara Walters, former CIA directors, Ronald Reagan and wife Nancy, media moguls Rupert Murdoch and Mort Zuckerman, numerous celebrities, prominent lawyers like Alan Dershowitz, top figures in the Catholic Church and leading Jewish organizations like B’nai B’rithand the World Jewish Congress.

Many of the same names that surrounded Cohn until death in the late 1980s would later come to surround Jeffrey Epstein, with their names later appearing in Epstein’s now-infamous “little black book”. 

Cohn’s network also extended to former President Bill Clinton , Donald Trump and Ronald Reagan. Clintons friend and longtime political advisor, Richard “Dirty Dick” Morris, was Cohn’s cousin and close associate.

Morris was also close to Clinton’s former communications director, George Stephanopoulos, who is also associated withJeffrey Epstein.

Cohn’s most powerful tool was blackmail, which he used against friend and foe, gangster or public official alike. How much of that blackmail he acquired through his sexual blackmail operation will likely never be known.

1980-Cohn was a well-known “fixer” for Republican candidates and this is clearly seen in his outsized roles during the 1976 and 1980 presidential campaigns of Ronald Reagan.

It was during the latter that Cohn would meetanother of his proteges, Roger Stone, whom he infamously instructed to leave a hefty bribe tucked in a suitcase at the doorstep of the Liberal Party’s headquarters during the 1980 campaign.

During this campaign, Cohn would also meet Paul Manafort — an associate of Stone and later Trump’s 2016 campaign manager — and introduce both to Donald Trump.

Cohn’s law partner, Tom Bolan, was also an influential force in the Reagan campaign and later chaired Reagan’s transition team in 1980.

Reagan then named Bolan, whom he considered a friend, a director of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, the government’s development finance institution, and he was also the New York finance co-chairman in the Reagan campaign in both 1980 and 1984.

Bolan was also close to others in Cohn’s circle, such as William F. Buckley Jr., Donald Trump and Rupert Murdoch.

Furthermore, Bolan was instrumental in securing federal judgeships for several individuals who would later become influential, including future FBI Director Louis Freeh.

Cohn was also able to get friends of clients appointed as federal judges, including Donald Trump’s sister, Maryanne Trump Barry.

After Barry was appointed as a federal judge, Trump called Cohn to thank him for pulling strings on his sister’s behalf.

Though Cohn was not given a public position in the Reagan administration, he was not merely a “dirty trickster” who worked in the shadows during the Reagan campaigns.

In fact, he worked closely with some of the more visible faces of the campaign, including the then-communications director for Reagan’s 1980 campaign and later CIA director, William Casey.

Ronald Reagan was also a friend of Cohn’s and, according to late journalist Robert Parry, “lavished favors on Cohn, including invitations to White House events, personal thank-you notes and friendly birthday wishes” over the course of his presidency.

Reagan, like Cohn, had deep ties to the same organized-crime factions that were among Cohn’s clients and affiliates of the same Mafia figures close to Cohn’s own mentor, Lewis Rosenstiel

Not unlike Cohn, Reagan’s own mentor, Lew Wasserman, had close ties to the mob. Wasserman, the long-time president of MCA and the well-known Hollywood mogul, is known for not only making Reagan’s film and television career, but also supporting his successful push to become president of the Screen Actors Guild, which later launched Reagan’s political career.

In addition, MCA was a major financier of Reagan’s successful gubernatorial bid in 1966 and, not long after Reagan became president, his administration controversially shut down a massive Department of Justice (DOJ) probe into MCA’s ties to organized crime.

The DOJ probe into MCA that the Reagan administration quashed was reportedly spurredafter the Justice Department learned that an influential member of the Gambino crime family, Salvatore Pisello, was doing business with the massive entertainment company. At that time, the boss of the Gambino crime family, Paul Castellano, was a client of Roy Cohn

1980-there were several figures, all of whom shared direct connections to CIA Director William Casey and other close friends and confidants of Cohn.

One of these individuals was Robert Keith Gray, the former chairman and CEO of the powerful Washington-based public relations firm of Hill and Knowlton, which 60 Minutes once called “an unelected shadow government” due to its influence in the capitol.

Gray, who had previously been a close adviser to both Dwight D. Eisenhower and Richard Nixon, was a very successful Republican fundraiser who “collects money in six-figure globs,” according to a 1974 report in the Washingtonian.

He first came into close contact with what would become Ronald Reagan’s inner circle during Reagan’s unsuccessful 1976 presidential campaign and later as deputy director of communications during Reagan’s campaign in 1980. The latter position would see him work directly under William Casey, who later became CIA director.

Gray would go on to co-chair Reagan’s Inauguration Committee and afterwards would return to the PR business, taking on several clients including Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi and hedge fund manager Marc Rich.

Rich was an asset of Israeli intelligence outfit Mossad, and whose later criminal pardon by Bill Clinton was largely orchestrated by members of the Mega Group like Michael Steinhardt and Israeli politicians like Ehud Barak.

The connection between Gray and Casey is particulary telling, as it was later revealed by former Nebraska state senator-turned-investigator John DeCamp that Gray was a specialist in homosexual blackmail operations for the CIA and was reported to have collaborated with Roy Cohn in those activities.

Cohn and Gray were likely to have known each other well, as during Reagan’s 1980 presidential campaign Casey — then Gray’s boss — was calling Roy Cohn “every day,” according to Cohn’s former switchboard operator Christine Seymour.

Gray was a known associate of CIA agent and Naval Intelligence officer Edwin Wilson, having served in the 1970s on the board of Consultants International, an organization that Wilson had founded and that the CIA used as a front company.

Wilson’s main specialty was front companies used to covertly ship and smuggle goods on behalf of U.S. intelligence, he also allegedly ran sexual blackmail operations for the CIA, particularly around the time of the Watergate scandal, according to his former partner and fellow agent at the CIA, Frank Terpil.

One of Wilson’s Agency jobs was to subvert members of both houses [of Congress] by any means necessary…. Certain people could be easily coerced by living out their sexual fantasy in the flesh…. A remembrance of these occasions [was] permanently recorded via selected cameras…. The technicians in charge of filming … [were] TSD [Technical Services Division of the CIA].

Wilson allegedly ran his operation out of the George Town Club, owned by lobbyist and Korean intelligence asset Tongsun Park.

The president of the George Town Club at the time of Wilson’s alleged activities at the site was Robert Keith Gray.

DeCamp later reported that Wilson’s activities were a spin-off of the same sexual blackmail operation in which Cohn became involved during the McCarthy era with Lewis Rosenstiel and J. Edgar Hoover.

1981-After Ronald Reagan was elected to the White House and Sixty-nine days after the inauguration, John Hinckley attempted to assassinate President Reagan.

Eight days prior to that attempt, there were a series of unprecedented policy changes that put George Bush in charge of Foreign Policy and National Security. That conferred new roles and powers on Bush, including “unprecedented powers for a vice president.”

Vice President George Bush was named the leader of the United States “crisis management” staff, as a part of the National Security Council system. Then, on March 30, 1981, just eight days after these powers were conferred on Bush, President Reagan was shot.

The father of the assassin that put Bush in power was John (a.k.a. Jack) Hinckley, Sr., the owner of Vanderbilt Oil.

The Hinckleys were donors to Poppy Bush’s political campaigns over the years, and they gave to support the first, unsuccessful bid for Congress of the young George W. Bush, in 1978. The families lived close to each other, they socialized; I saw indications that, at one point, may have shared the same lawyer.

Neil Bush, son of the vice president, was scheduled to have dinner with Hinckley’s brother, Scott, the day after the shooting.

Neil and his wife, and Scott, all lived in Denver at the time. Scott’s father’s oil company, Vanderbilt Oil, had its headquarters in Denver at that time. Scott was a company vice president.

Five years before the Reagan shooting, at the time of those hearings, the new CIA director was…. Poppy Bush.

John Hinckley Sr. (“Jack” Hinckley) was deeply involved with World Vision, a nonprofit humanitarian organization that receives heavy funding from USAID, the government organ that has historically been closely associated with the Central Intelligence Agency.

He was close with the head of World Vision’s ministries, a former State Department official who worked, among other things, as an adviser in Vietnam.

Interestingly, another “lone nut” who changed the global landscape, Mark David Chapman, who shot and killed John Lennon, had been an employee of World Vision.

1980- The idea for Project Democracy originated at the meet­ing of the Trilateral Commission (TLC) in Tokyo, Japan on May 31,1975 which, among other things,discussed the Zbigniew Brzezinski-Samuel P. Huntington-Michel Crozier-Joji Watanuki" ungovernability of democracy"thesis, and also chose Jimmy Carter, aldo a TLC member (who created FEMA and appointed  Brzezinski to be his National Security Director) to be the next President of the United States  .

Bush himself was a TLC member although Reagan was not..

Project Democracy's program has nothing to do with everyday notions of "democracy , " but rather prescribes a Totalitarian, malthusian-ecologist universal fascist corpo­rate state dominated by international cartels.

1981- By the time Poppy Bush became vice president the Bath-fronted, Saudi-funded cover for American intelligence was involved in a broad range of covert activities.

These ranged from supplying BCCI with airplanes to playing an integral role in what came to be known as Iran-contra.

Bath set up Skyway Aircraft Leasing Ltd. in the Cayman Islands and became the sole director. A deposition of Bath in a subsequent lawsuit would reveal that the real owner was his Saudi friend Salem bin Laden.

The firm that handled the incorporation of his companies in the Caymans was the same one that set up a money-collecting front company for White House aide Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North in the Iran-contra affair.

1981-Manila announced it would place ‘excess locally derived gold reserves’ on the international market. Over three months, some 300,000 ounces of gold were shipped to Hong Kong, New York, London, and Zurich.

It was earmarked as Philippine government gold, but the commercial banks involved were allowed to play with it, meaning it could be traded over the short term. For this privilege, the banks paid 1 percent commission on these earnings, which went to Marcos.

According to a former Filipino diplomat, Ferdinand’s personal plane made many round trips to Switzerland. Commercial airlines also were used, as evidenced by waybills. Twelve secret shipments were said to have taken place aboard KLM, PAL, Air France, and Sabena.

CIA pilots and Pentagon cargo planes periodically airlifted Marcos gold to Australia and Hong Kong.

1981-Poppy Bush and Ferdinand Marcos cultivated a relationship of mutual appreciation. “We love your adherence to democratic principles,” Poppy gushed during a visit to Manila in 1981.

Poppy urged Ferdinand Marcos to invest money in the United States. Imelda has claimed that Poppy urged her husband to put “his” funds into something that Imelda knew only as the Communist Takeover Fund.

That suggests that gold in the Philippines has long been seen as a funding vehicle for off-the-books intelligence, covert operations, weapons trafficking, and even coups—plus protection money that Marcos felt he had to pay.

Having remained in the Philippines after the war, William Quasha eventually attained the rarefied status as the only American licensed to practice law there. He also picked up some intriguing clients, including the CIA-tied Nugan Hand Bank.

Philippine investigators seeking to track the billions Marcos had embezzled from the Philippine treasury or obtained as bribes found that most of the money had been moved overseas through intermediaries.

1980’s-Filipino President Ferdinand Marcos, nominally a Washington asset who ruled as an iron-fisted dictator from 1972 until 1986, had discovered some of the secret sites where Japanese Emperor Hirohito’s soldiers had buried gold stolen during the war.

His mistake was that he used a CIA asset, Saudi billionaire arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi, to help him sell the gold onto the market.

1980’s-Jeffrey Epstein, would be recruited, after his firing from the Dalton School in 1978, by Alan “Ace” Greenberg, a close friend of Cohn, to work at Bear Stearns until -1981.

The reason Epstein left the bank remains murky. Though some former Bear Stearns employees claim he was fired, others — including Epstein himself — claimed that he resigned of his own volition. 

Ward suggests that Epstein may have left the bank owing to a Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) investigation into insider trading in a case that involved a tender offer placed by the Seagrams corporation for St. Joe Minerals Corp. Seagrams owner Edgar Bronfman, son of Meyer Lansky associate Samuel Bronfman and member of the Mega Group, had tipped off several investors and bankers of the coming tender offer.

Epstein resigned from Bear Stearns the day after the SEC opened the case and later claimed he had left the company as a result of a relatively minor “Reg D” violation and rumors that he had an “illicit affair with a secretary.”

Bear Stearns also worked directly with BCCI during this period. Indeed, Bear Stearns served as a brokerto BCCI

Furthermore, there is the additional fact that BCCI trafficked underage girls for sex as a means of obtaining favors from and gaining leverage over powerful individuals, something in which Epstein would later become deeply involved.

Writing in Salon, a former friend of Epstein’s, Jesse Kornbluth, also stated that Epstein had claimed to be a “bounty hunter” for the rich and powerful:

One of Epstein’s clients after leaving Bear Stearns was the CIA/Mossad-linked Khashoggi at the very time that Khashoggi was involved in Iran-Contra, an operation involving both U.S. and Israeli intelligence.

British journalist Nigel Rosser reported in January 2001 in the Evening Standard that Epstein had claimed that he was also working for the CIA during this same time period.

The CIA director at the time, Bill Casey, was a close friend of Roy Cohn, who also ran the sexual blackmail operation involving underage boys out of Manhattan’s Plaza Hotel.

Another fact that further suggests that Epstein had connections to BCCI is that Epstein was known to have been close to other arms dealers of the period and BCCI was frequently used specifically for covert arms deals.

After the bank’s collapse in 1991, an article in Time magazine entitled “BCCI: The Dirtiest Bank of All” noted the following:

…[T]he CIA may have used B.C.C.I. as more than an undercover banker: U.S. agents collaborated with the black network in several operations, according to a B.C.C.I. black-network “officer” who is now a secret U.S. government witness. Sources have told investigators that B.C.C.I. worked closely with Israel’s spy agencies and other Western intelligence groups as well, especially in arms deals.” (emphasis added)

1980s, two-fifths of the money on deposit in Miami banks was reckoned to have originated overseas, particularly in Latin America.

After 1976, the Florida region became the only one of the Federal Reserve’s regions to show persistent (and huge) cash surpluses. “Half the property in Miami is owned by offshore shell companies, and the largest yachts on the Intracoastal Waterway are registered offshore,” said Blum. “Miami is the facility of choice for Latinex–heads of state, generals, and former friends of the CIA.”

It is likely much of the drug money from Latin America was then funneled back to the US via Florida

1981-In June , less than six months after Reagan’s inauguration, the United States approved a new offshore possibility, the international banking facility.

The United States was another step closer to becoming the tax haven imagined in the memo to Michael Hudson.

IBFs, as they are known, are kind of offshore Euromarkets-lite: They let U.S. bankers do at home what they could previously do only in places like London, Zurich, or Nassau: lend to foreigners, free from reserve requirements and from city and state taxes.

The bankers would sit in the same Manhattan offices as before and simply open up a new set of books and operate as if they were a branch in Nassau.

Once the IBFs were in place, the banks could dispense with the subterfuge entirely and book them openly in New York.

The United States had moved closer to the British offshore model. Bankers in New York signed on to the new possibility with gusto, followed by those in Florida, California, Illinois, and Texas.

In three years almost five hundred offshore IBFs had popped up inside the United States, draining money out of other offshore markets in the Caribbean and elsewhere.

It was a new get-out-of-regulation-free card for Wall Street and another hole in the American fortress.

Not only that, but as author Tom Naylor puts it, “The US hoped to use the IBFs as a bludgeon to force other countries to relax restrictions on the entry of US banks into their domestic financial markets.”

1981- May , Henry Kissinger who replaced Brzezinski as the head of the Trilateral Commission gave a speech at Chatham House describing his term as Secretary of State:

“[The British] became a participant in internal American deliberations, to a degree probably never before practiced between sovereign nations…In my White House incarnation then, I kept the British Foreign Office better informed and more closely engaged than I did the American Department…It was symptomatic.”

1981-July , reports of  a unique outbreak of immune deficiency–related health problems in a group of highly promiscuous gay men in Los Angeles, New York, and San Francisco.

1982-July , the CDC reported the first diagnosed cases in hemophiliacs. Mounting evidence suggested that the pathogen was transmitted by blood.

In January 1983, the American Red Cross, the American Association of Blood Banks, and the Council of Community Blood Banks issued a joint statement that acknowledged the hazard and advised member organizations against accepting donations from individuals belonging to high-risk groups.

1982-February 11:  CIA Director William Casey gets a legal exemption sparing the CIA for a requirement that it report on drug smuggling by CIA officers, agents, or assets. Attorney General William French Smith grants the exemption in a secret memorandum.

There are allegations that in 1981 President Reagan approved a covert program to weaken Soviet soldiers fighting in Afghanistan by addicting them to illegal drugs .

A book co-written by two Time magazine reporters will even allege that “a few American intelligence operatives were deeply enmeshed in the drug trade” during the war

1982-Garn-St. Germain Depository Institutions Act. The act removed the last controls on interest rates; now an S&L could offer any amount, however ridiculously high, to attract funds.

Now thrifts needn’t ask for the traditional down payments from borrowers but could provide 100 percent financing. That’s right; to swing a deal, a borrower needn’t put up a penny of his or her own money.

To complete the felonious scene, the new law (1) permitted developers to own S&Ls and (2) permitted the owners of S&Ls to lend to themselves.

In short, the vault was not only opened to the crooks, it could be owned by them.

No wonder, then, that at the Rose Garden signing of the bill, President Reagan, with his customary talent for unconscious confession, chortled,

“All in all, I think we’ve hit the jackpot.”

Savings and loan owners could now themselves buy land and build condos or anything else they wanted to throw up and not be limited to making loans to other developers.

The owners could, in fact, borrow their depositors’ money for any kind of harebrained personal scheme, which is why the government, thanks to bankrupt thrifts, now owns such weird items as a buffalo sperm bank, a racehorse with syphilis, a kittylitter mine, and “development” land so remote that it could be used only as a game preserve.

1982-Stock buybacks used to be illegal following the 1929 crash. They were considered stock manipulation, because mechanically it does support the share price.

But President Regan rescinded the law in 1982, giving companies the ability to send their cash back into their own pockets without shareholder approval.

1982, President Reagan would sign NSDD 77 which would launch Project Democracy under the Special Planning Group led by Bush, a sardonic name for a Trojan Horse meant to demolish Democracy in all but name only

NSDD 77 allowed Project Democracy the reins over “covert action on a broad scale” as well as overt public actions later to be associated with the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). The directive ordered the CIA to stay out of both the overt and covert part of Project Democracy, thus giving free reign to the Kissingerian “NSC apparatus”.

Almost one year later, Congress passed the NED Act in Oct 1983.The structure of the NED essentially functions as a private CIA political operations arm of an invisible, secret government beyond accountability and beyond the reach of the law.

In a 1991 interview, then NED President David Ignatius arrogantly stated “a lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA…The biggest difference is that when such activities are done overtly, the flap potential is close to zero. Openness is its own protection”.

1983-William Quasha was a man to know in the Philippines. An American citizen who had served there during World War II and stayed on to become a powerful lawyer in that country, he was head of the local expatriate group Republicans Abroad, and so well connected that he even played host to a Democrat, President Bill Clinton, when he came through the isles.

William Quasha’s ace in the hole was his relationship with the long-ruling president and strongman Ferdinand Marcos.

Harken’s investment banker in New York mentioned a client looking to take a major position in an oil company, a New York lawyer named Quasha. He turned out to be William Quasha’s son, Alan.

Phil Kendrick and Alan Quasha quickly struck a deal. “He wanted control of the board, so we sold our stock to him, and that gave him control,” Kendrick explained

When Quasha bought Kendrick’s stock, the money came through an entity in Bermuda, a trust in the name of Quasha’s mother, with major blocks of shares taken by other members of the Quasha family. According to company filings, his father, William Quasha, bought 21 percent of Harken’s stock.

With Kendrick out of the way, Harken began metamorphosing in strange and wondrous ways.

One of the oddest investors in Harken was the billionaire speculator, investor, and philanthropist George Soros, who first became involved shortly after Alan Quasha took over

That George Soros held a big stake and served as a board member at the time George W. Bush was welcomed into the company in 1986 that would make his fortune is rife with irony.

Through its investing arm, Harvard Management Company, Harvard agreed to buy 1.35 million shares of Harken for two million dollars and invest another twenty million dollars in Harken projects—eventually pumping fifty million dollars into the company and owning 30 percent of its stock.

In 1986, Harken had a total revenue of four million dollars. In 1989, thanks to a flurry of acquisitions and infinitely complicated transactions, revenue would exceed a billion dollars.

When Alan Quasha took control of Harken , he was essentially an unknown and a small-timer. Several years later, he appeared to be on top of the world. Did gold and/or Marcos’s billions have anything to do with this?

1983- PROMIS Was installed in the World Bank and in the International Monetary Fund.

The Hamiltons claim the DoJ had plans to fit PROMIS with “back doors” and sell it to governments in the Middle East in order to spy on them. Rafael Etian (Chief of the Israeli Defense Force’s [IDF] anti-terrorism intelligence unit) and British publisher, Robert Maxwell marketed bootlegged PROMIS software .

PROMIS derived software is used in Israel, Ireland, Canada, Rome and elsewhere. This factors PROMIS software into the demand-pull calculations, since PROMIS customers anticipated using it on unregulated networks.

1983- One of Brian’s companies, Hadron, Inc. of Fairfax, Virginia,was a laser manufacturer and computer services company. According to Bill Hamilton, president of Inslaw, Hadron had attempted to buy Inslaw in 1983.

Hamilton said he believes his rejection of Hadron on that day in 1983 triggered an attempt by the Department of Justice to put Inslaw out of business, or at least bankrupt the small, Washington-based software maker.

Within a few months of Hadron’s call, the Department of Justice, citing contract violations, stopped making payments on Inslaw’s $10 million deal to install PROMIS software in its 20 largest U.S. attorney’s offices nationwide. (PROMIS stands for Prosecutor’s Management Information System.)

1983, the Hamiltons were visited by Rafi Eitan posing as a public prosecutor from Israel named Dr. Ben Orr.   Orr told them that he was impressed with Promis and was looking to purchase it. It later came out that Dr. Ben Orr was the alias for none other than the infamous Israeli intelligence agent Rafi Eitan.

Eitan left the meeting without buying Promis, but he was able to get a free copy through Earl Brian.

After Eitan got his hands on Promis, he worked through former Mossad agent, Iranian  Ari-Ben Menashe, who reached out to a Jewish Silicon Valley computer engineer, Yehuda Ben-Hanan to construct another backdoor into Promis, this time exclusively for the Israelis.

This gave Israel their very own backdoor into the intelligence agencies of each country that bought Promis from Israel.

Israel knew that it wouldn't be able to sell Promis openly, so they had to recruit a third party seller. Eitan knew the perfect man for the job; the man was Robert Maxwell.

Maxwell used his Pergamon Press technology network to buy up Israeli technology firms which were fronts for the Mossad, like Degem Computers. "

In the United States, Maxwell had also set up a raft of small companies that were a spin-off of his own gigantic Pergamon Press in Britain. A number of those companies were based in Virginia and Arkansas. Among board members were several former members of intelligence agencies.

Maxwell sold Promis to the intelligence agencies of New Zealand, Australia, Thailand, Turkey, Belgium, Poland, East Germany, Egypt, Bulgaria, Nicaragua, Colombia, Guatemala, South Africa, Zimbabwe, China, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (Canada's FBI), and the KGB. The Israelis also sold Promis to the Eastern Bloc, Nicaragua, Colombia, Chile, Brazil, and the Rothschild controlled Credit Suisse through Maxwell's Israeli front company, Degem.

The sale to Credit Suisse would give Israel the ability to monitor all transactions going through Credit Suisse, giving them an unwarranted advantage over world financial market. PROMIS was also sold to the infamously corrupt and now defunct BCCI (Bank of Credit and Commerce International).

Maxwell's most infamous and damaging Promis affair was his business venture with China and the CSIS (China's Secret Service). The Chinese dreamed of obtaining U.S. nuclear secrets and other secret technology from the Los Alamos National Laboratories.

Maxwell gave China access to Israel's secret backdoor. While Eitan devised a plan for Robert Maxwell to sell the software to Los Alamos. The device had a trap door which was designed so it could not be detected; and if deconstructed; the trap door would simply disappear."

"Eighteen heavily redacted FBI documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, provide sufficient clues to link the thefts from Los Alamos to a joint operation by Mossad and CSIS - using Israel's doctored Enhanced Promis software Robert Maxwell had sold Beijing."

1983 -Barr left the administration in September returning to the law firm Shaw, Pittman, Potts & Trowbridge where he  represented the CIA front company Southern Air Transport, a major trafficker in narcotics.

1983 -a Khashoggi-led group formed the gold  company whose name was soon changed to Barrick Gold Corp. Sheik Kamal Adham was reportedly one of the new company's founding co-owners. Adham, the chief of Saudi intelligence, had coordinated royalist guerrillas in Yemen, with British arms secretly provided through Khashoggi.

1983-1988  Searle Pharmaceuticals CEO Donald Rumsfeld, acting as Ronald Reagan’s envoy in Iraq, arranged for the top-secret shipment of tons of chemical and biological armaments, including anthrax and bubonic plague, to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, hoping to reverse his looming defeat by Iran’s million-man army.

Ayatollah Khomeini’s victorious Iranian forces were then routing Saddam in their war over the Persian Gulf. The administration feared the impact on global oil supplies if Iran prevailed in that conflict.

1983-Senator Dole had promised no amendments to the 1980 Bayh-Dole law to let big company contractors have the same right to retain ownership of inventions made in federally supported work that Bayh-Dole gave to small companies and nonprofits.

In a new Memorandum, President Reagan turned executive branch patent policy on its head.

The gist of Reagan’s memorandum is that Bayh-Dole is now extended to large company contractors, but with flexibility, but also as a matter of executive branch policy, not the policy of Congress (35 USC 200), even as it stipulates following the policy of Congress.

1983-Israeli military chief-of-staff, Rafael Eitan, had established an Israeli underground terrorist organization called the Front for the Liberation of Lebanon from Foreigners, which carried out bombing operations in Lebanon from 1979 through 1983. 

Many of these Israeli bombings involved truck and car bombs. It was toward the end of this period of Israeli terror bombings in Lebanon, in which thousands were killed, that two truck bombs struck the barracks housing "peacekeepers" of the Multinational Force in Lebanon (MNF), killing 241 U.S. Marines and 58 French soldiers on October 23, 1983.

According to Caspar Weinberger, United States Secretary of Defense at the time, there is no knowledge of who carried out the bombing that resulted in the deadliest single-day death toll for the United States Marine Corps since the Battle of Iwo Jima in World War II.

Thanks to Ronen Bergman's recent book, Rise and Kill First: The Secret History of Israel's Targeted Assassinations(2018), we now know that Rafael Eitan, the Israeli chief-of-staff, was running a massive terrorist bombing campaign using car and truck bombs in Lebanon at precisely the time the U.S. Marines were killed. 

Furthermore, according to former Mossad agent Victor Ostrovsky, in his 1990 book By Way of Deception, Israeli intelligence knew the specific time and location of the bombing that killed the Marines but only gave general information to the Americans before the attack, which was worthless.

1983-Marc Rich was a commodities trader and hedge fund manager best known for founding the commodity trading and mining giant Glencore and for doing business with numerous dictatorships, often in violation of sanctions. He worked particularly closely with Israel and, according to Haaretz: 

“In the years after the 1973 Yom Kippur War and the ensuing global Arab oil embargo, a period when nobody wanted to sell oil to Israel, for almost 20 years Rich was the main source of the country’s oil and energy needs.” 

It was that trading on Israel’s behalf that would ultimately lead to Rich being charged in 1983 for violating the U.S. oil embargo on Iran by selling Iranian oil to Israel. Rich was also charged with tax evasion, wire fraud, racketeering and several other crimes.

Haaretz also noted that Rich’s businesses were “a source of funding for secret financial arrangements” and that “his worldwide offices, according to several reliable sources, frequently served Mossad agents, with his consent.”

Rich had more direct ties to the Mossad as well. For instance, his foundation — the Rich Foundation — was run by the former Mossad agent Avner Azulay.

Rich was also friendly with prominent Israel politicians, including former Prime Ministers Menachem Begin and Ehud Barak, and was a frequent provider of “services” for Israeli intelligence, services he freely volunteered.

One clue as to the nature of Rich’s relationship to U.S. intelligence is his apparent ties to BCCI. “The BCCI Affair” report mentions Rich as a person to investigate in relation to the bank and states:

BCCI lending to Rich in the 1980s amounted to tens of millions of dollars. Moreover, Rich’s commodities firms were used by BCCI in connection with BCCI’s involv[ement] in U.S. guarantee programs through the Department of Agriculture.

Rich was also deeply tied to the Mega Group, as he was one of the main donors to the Birthright Israel charity along with Mega Group co-founder Charles Bronfman and Mega Group member Michael Steinhardt.

Steinhardt was particularly close to Rich, first meeting the commodities trader in the 1970s and then managing $3 million for Rich, Rich’s then-wife Denise, and Rich’s father-in-law from the early 1980s to the mid-1990s through his hedge fund. In the late 1990s, Steinhardt would enlist other Mega Group members, such as Edgar Bronfman, in the effort to settle the criminal charges against Rich, which eventually came to pass with Clinton’s controversial pardon in 2001.

Steinhardt claimed to have come up with the idea of a presidential pardon for Rich in late 2000, which Bill Clinton granted

1983, amid the rapidly escalating AIDS crisis, a Dr Fauci at the NIAID promoted a stunning theory about the newly encountered disease in theJournal of the American Medical Association(JAMA).

Noting that the same issue of the journal contained an article documenting one of the first cases of the immunodeficiency disease’s appearance in an infant, the author sounded an alarm about “the possibility that routine close contact, as within a family household, can spread the disease.”

The article took an increasingly speculative turn in promoting this new theory. “If indeed the latter is true, then AIDS takes on an entirely new dimension,” it continued. “If we add to this possibility that nonsexual, non-blood-borne transmission is possible, the scope of the syndrome may be enormous.”

Although the article reiterated the need to “be cautious” in accepting these findings as they awaited more evidence, the discovery “should at least alert us to the possibility that we are truly dealing with AIDS in children,” as transmitted through routine interaction.

1984-Anthony Stephen Fauci was made director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases.

1984-the year Anthony Fauci became director of NIAID—HHS showed their hand on Vaccines in the Federal Register (this reference specific for Polio)

“Any possible doubts, whether or not well-founded, about the safety of the vaccine cannot be allowed to exist in view of the need to assure that the vaccines will continue to be used to the maximum extent consistent with the nation’s “public health objectives.”

—Fed Register Vol. 49 No 107

1984 April 23, Gallo announced he found the virus that causes AIDS.  Gallo recruited his boss, HHS Secretary Margaret Heckler, to lend credibility and weight to his dramatic announcement.

Heckler took the stage before a packed scrum of international press. “Good afternoon,” she told the world, “Ladies and gentlemen, first, the probable cause of AIDS has been found—a variant of a known human cancer virus.”

She pointedly added, “Today we add a new miracle to the long honor roll of American medicine and science.” Heckler’s participation at Gallo’s press event was important stagecraft because it gave the imprimatur of NIH’s institutional gravitas to a theory that had not been subject to peer review.

Only later did the public learn that NIH allowed Gallo to delay the announcement until he had personally patented an antibody kit that he claimed capable of detecting HIV.

He had developed the test at taxpayer expense. Crewdson writes that Gallo conspired with a CDC official, James Curran, to improperly certify Gallo’s test as equivalent in quality to a far better test developed by Montagnier.

1984-One key Iran-Contra figure — Lt. Col. Oliver North, then serving on the National Security Council — decided to use PROMIS neither for espionage nor for foreign policy. Instead, North turned PROMIS’ power against Americans, particularly perceived dissidents, a fact that remained unknown for years.

As  part of the highly classified Continuity of Government (COG) program, North used the PROMIS software at a 6,100-square-foot “command center” in the Department of Justice, as well as at a smaller operations room at the White House, to compile a list of American dissidents and “potential troublemakers” if the COG protocol was ever invoked.

This database of Americans, who, often for the slightest and most trivial reason, are considered unfriendly, and who, in a time of panic might be incarcerated. The database can identify and locate perceived ‘enemies of the state’ almost instantaneously.”

In 1993,Wired described North’s use of PROMIS in compiling this database as follows:

“Using PROMIS, sources point out, North could have drawn up lists of anyone ever arrested for a political protest, for example, or anyone who had ever refused to pay their taxes. Compared to PROMIS, Richard Nixon’s enemies list or Sen. Joe McCarthy’s blacklist look downright crude.” 

The COG program defined this “time of panic” as“a national crisis, such as nuclear war, violent and widespread internal dissent, or national opposition to a US military invasion abroad,” whereby the government would suspend the Constitution, declare martial law, and incarcerate perceived dissidents and other “unfriendlies” in order to prevent the government’s (or then-serving administration’s) overthrow.

This secretive database has often been referred to as “Main Core” by government insiders and, most troubling of all, it still exists today.

Journalist Christ Ketcham, citing senior government officials, reported in 2008 that, at that time, Main Core was believed to contain the names of as many as8 million Americans. Eleven years later, it is highly likely that the number of Americans included in the Main Core database has grown considerably. 

Author and investigative journalist Tim Shorrock also covered other disturbing aspects of the evolution of Main Core back in 2008 for Salon. At the time, Shorrock reported that the George W. Bush administration was believed to have used Main Core to guide its domestic surveillance activities following the September 11 attacks. 

Bill Hamilton, former NSA intelligence officer and the original creator of the PROMIS software, told Shorrock at the time that he believed that “U.S. intelligence uses PROMIS as the primary software for searching the Main Core database” and had been told as much by an intelligence official in 1992 and an NSA official in 1995.

journalist Danny Casolaro, who was investigating not only the government’s misuse of the stolen PROMIS software but also the Main Core database was killed in August 1991

Casolaro allegedly had obtained copies of computer printouts from the PROMIS-based Main Core domestic surveillance database system from NSA whistleblower Alan Standorf, who was found murdered a few months before Casolaro’s body would be found in a West Virginia hotel room.

Main Core’s contents allegedly had been used for the political blackmail of members of Congress and their staff, journalists, and others

Given that Israeli intelligence was known to have placed a backdoor into the PROMIS software, before it was marketed and sold around the world by Earl Brian and Robert Maxwell, Israeli intelligence likely had access to Main Core.

1984-Rex 84, short for Readiness Exercise 1984, is a contingency plan developed by the United States federal government to suspend the United States Constitution, declare martial law, place military commanders in charge of state and local governments, and detain large numbers of American citizens who were deemed to be "national security threats", in the event that the President declared a "State of Domestic National Emergency". 

The plan stated that events that might cause such a declaration would be widespread U.S. opposition to a U.S. military invasion abroad, such as if the United States were to directly invade Central America

To combat what the government perceived as "subversive activities", the plan also authorized the military to direct ordered movements of civilian populations at state and regional levels.

Rex 84 was written by Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, who was both the NSC White House Aide and NSC liaison to FEMA, and John Brinkerhoff, the deputy director of "national preparedness" programs for FEMA.

1984-CIA Director and Cohn friend William Casey was spearheading an extensive PR campaign aimed at shoring up public support for Reagan’s Latin American policies, including support of the Contra paramilitaries. 

This domestic propaganda effort was technically illegal and required that the CIA outsource the job to the private sector to minimize the risk of fall-out.

As Robert Parry reported in 2015, Wick took the lead in obtaining private funding for the effort and, just a few days after Wick promised to find private support, Cohn brought his close friend, the media mogul Rupert Murdoch, to the White House.

Parry later noted that, after this meeting, “documents released during the Iran-Contra scandal in 1987 and later from the Reagan Library indicate that Murdoch was soon viewed as a source for the private funding” for the propaganda campaign. 

After that initial meeting, Murdoch became the top media ally of this Casey-directed propaganda effort, and also became increasingly close to the Reagan White House.

Murdoch, as a consequence, benefited greatly from Reagan’s policies and his friendship with the administration, which allowed Murdoch to increase his U.S. media holdings and to create the Fox Broadcasting Corporation in 1987.

1984, the United States would bypass the Antilles irritant entirely and waive the 30 percent withholding tax under a new loophole.

American companies would no longer set up fictional entities in Curaçao but simply issue their bonds at home. Foreign investors would pay no tax on their bond income.

It was a classic tax haven gambit: plug the deficits by exempting foreigners from tax, and watch as the world’s hot money rolls in. It was just as the memo handed to Hudson in the elevator had anticipated.

The loophole was supposed to be available to foreign investors only. Unscrupulous wealthy Americans, of course, got around that simply by covering themselves in a cloak of offshore secrecy and pretending to be foreigners. “

The Wall Street types were as happy as clams,” said McIntyre. “The rules were designed to facilitate tax evasion. It was a very hot business: People in high places liked it and fostered it. They didn’t think it was an ethical issue. . . . Nobody seemed to object, except my brother Bob and I.”

The effects were immense. Having set up offshore-lite international banking facilities in 1981, America, by 1984, had a thriving homegrown offshore bond market. “

Suddenly,” noted Time magazine, “America has become the largest and possibly the most alluring tax haven in the world.”

1984, a newly created, private, nongovernmental organization, or NGO, called the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) opened its doors in Washington. Its name was deliberately chosen to sound noble and philanthropic, like Washington’s National Endowment for the Arts or its National Endowment for the Humanities.

The NED was anything but philanthropic or humanitarian, nor was it at all interested in promoting any semblance of what we could consider democracy. Its mission was to doctor systemic US propaganda as a weapon to unseat regimes around the world who were not willing to cooperate with Washington’s overall agenda, whether it be trade globalization that advantaged US multinationals or efforts at simply asserting the national health and safety of its citizens by refusing to permit genetically manipulated organisms, or GMOs.

It was a tool to create what we can call “fake democracy” to advance Washington’s global agenda.

Soon the “democracy promotion” of Washington was called by the more descriptive name “color revolutions,” a reference to the slick Madison Avenue color themes that inevitably accompanied the US-backed regime change efforts of the NED and other allied US-backed NGOs.

NED was implicated in the  Iran-Contra affair. Oliver L. North called the operation  Project Democracy - PRODEM in his computer messages.

The New York Times wrote a front-page story that described North’s operation as the endowment’s ″secret arm.″ Further stories appeared when an organization administering four endowment grants was linked to the Iran-Contra controversy.

″Although the public arm of Project Democracy, now known as the National Endowment for Democracy, openly gave federal money to democratic institutions abroad and received wide bipartisan support, officials said the project’s secret arm took an entirely different direction after Lt. Col. Oliver L. North was appointed to head it about three years ago.″

The endowment grew out of a 1982 speech by President Reagan, which called for a study on an initiative of private organizations to promote democracy overseas.

In February 1983, in a program called Project Democracy, the administration proposed the program be funneled through federal agencies. Congress, seeking a program that was independent and bipartisan, refused to approve the plan.

1984-December , Seal was caught flying a load of marijuana into Louisiana.  Shortly after Seal’s arrest in Louisiana, his old friend and co-pilot Emile Camp died when his Seneca plane, equipped with state-of-the-art navigational equipment, slammed into a mountain near Mena.

Many of Camp’s associates believe that his plane had been sabotaged and point out that he was one of the few to witness many of Seal’s activities for the CIA and DEA.

1984- , Brown testified in a 1995 court case that he was contacted by the CIA in October 1984 and instructed to meet with Barry Seal at the Cajun Wharf restaurant outside Little Rock.

L.D. Brown’s had applied for a position with the Agency in 1984 with Clintons help.At the meeting, Seal asked Brown to fly with him on a mission to Central America. Brown testified that he and Seal left Mena airport on October 23 in Seal’s C-123K transport, dropped cartons of M-16s over Contra base camps and landed for refueling at an airstrip in Honduras.

There, Brown Said, he saw Seal take on board more than a dozen duffel bags, which were kicked out of the plane over fields near Mena on the return flight. Brown later learned these bags were filled with cocaine.

After two more of these flights, Brown says he confronted Clinton about Seal’s operation. Clinton, Brown testified, didn’t seem surprised, telling the trooper, who was an admirer of George Bush, “Your hero Bush knows about it.”

Of the cocaine coming into Mena, Brown testified that Clinton snapped, “That’s Lasater’s deal.” The reference appears to have been to long-time Clinton intimate Dan Lasater, the Little Rock-based bond magnate who was on of the governor’s biggest campaign contributors. Lasater had also been convicted of distributing cocaine and was suspected, according to Roger Morris’s account, of using his deals with ADFA to launder some of his drug profits.

Another familiar name on the ADFA bond issues was the now-defunct Lasater and Co. Dan Lasater, who headed the company, is a long-time friend of Clinton and his brother, Roger. Both Roger Clinton and Lasater were convicted on cocaine charges.

1984- after Congress specifically and expressly banned U.S. funds for the Contras , much of the Intelligence Community’s financial issues were solved by Prince Bandar bin Sultan of Saudi Arabia.

In a letter that Ollie North wrote to Prince Bandar (as reported by William Simpson in 2006 in The Prince: The Secret Story of the World’s Most Intriguing Royal, Prince Bandar bin Sultan) we see:

“My Friend, Next week, a sum in excess of $20 million will be deposited in the usual account … It should allow us to bridge the gap between now and when the vote is taken and the funds are turned on again.”

In fact, those funds from Congress would never be turned on again. North wrote that the money should be used to “redeploy and hide Contra forces.” These forces would be involved in brutally assaulting the Nicaraguan working class.

“This new money will provide great flexibility we have not enjoyed to date” and “help train the forces” (training that Barry Seal was supervising) “and volunteers to develop a regular air re-supply operation.”

North later confirmed that “it was a deal that was never supposed to be exposed to the light of day; nor was the fact that Saudi Arabia was the key financier.”

North would testify in front of Congress that Bandar “had sought to keep under wraps his role in funneling millions through a Swiss bank account” and “he was promised we were going to keep it a secret, and we tried.”

When the secret was spilled, the Contra special prosecutor started asking embarrassing questions and Bandar refused to cooperate, claiming diplomatic immunity. That’s all it took to stop the questioning.

1985- Foster is at the Rose Law Firm. He is a high-level marketing guy between Systematics and the NSA. NSA has all these spooky contracts that they are trying to find contractors for. Foster would have been sort of a go-between there.

1985- bugged version of PROMIS was sold for Soviet government use, with the media mogul Robert Maxwell as a conduit.

1985- PROMIS software was being provided to an Arab Sheik for resale and general distribution in his region.

Manucher Ghorbanifar, Adnan Khashoggi, and Richard Armitage will broker the transaction of Promis software to Sheik Klahid bin Mahfouz for resale and general distribution as gifts in his region contingent upon three conditions :

1-Promise must have a soft arrival. No paperwork, customs, or delay.

2-It must be equipped with the special data retrieval unit.

3- you must walk the financial aspects through Credit Suisse into National Commercial Bank.

Adnan Khashoggi’s sister, Samira Khashoggi Fayed, was the mother of Dodi Fayed, an Egyptian multi-millionaire film producer who was romantically involved with Diana, Princess of Wales.

In the early hours of August 31, 1997, the couple died in a car crash in a Paris underpass.

A shrewd businessman, Khashoggi covered his financial tracks by establishing front companies in Switzerland and Liechtenstein to handle his commissions as well as developing contacts with notables such as CIA officers James H. Critchfield and Kim Roosevelt and US businessman Bebe Rebozo , a close associate of former US President Richard Nixon . He was considered the richest man in the world in the 1980s.

Khashoggi’s yacht, Nabila , was the largest in the world at the time and was used in the James Bond film “Never Say Never Again.” This yacht was later acquired by Trump who was a friend of Khashoggi. It was sold in 1991 to Prince Al-Waleed bin Talal due to his bankruptcy

Adnan Khashoggi was implicated in the Iran–Contra affair as a key middleman in the arms-for-hostages exchange along with Iranian arms dealer Manucher Ghorbanifar and, in a complex series of events, was found to have borrowed money for these arms purchases from the now-bankrupt financial institution the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) with Saudi and US backing.

1985, when there was the famous Plaza Accord, you had Reagonomics going full blast. And Secretary of State James Baker said, what is Reaganomics?

It means we want low interest rates; we want to cut taxes on the rich, and even though we’re going to cut taxes, we’re going to have a huge budget deficit.

Somebody is going to have to fund this. And in the past, countries running a budget deficit, which Reagan and Bush quadrupled America’s foreign debt from 1981 to 1992 – who is going to buy this debt?

Because if we make Americans buy this debt, we’re going to have to pay high interest.

So it told Japan, we want you to agree to buy a big chunk of our foreign debt. England and Europe said, ok, we’re going to go along and we’re going to buy a big chunk of it too.

So essentially, America forced Japan not only to buy the debt, but to revalue its currency. And its currency went from 240 yen per dollar to 200 yen, meaning a dollar would only buy 200 yen. And then finally, America would only buy 100 yen.

And all of a sudden, car prices, electronic prices in (from) Japan, export prices doubled; it lost the market. And essentially went broke.

And that was what was called the bubble economy.

The Reagan economy was a bubble economy in America, but the bubble was felt or absorbed by Japan, by England, and by Europe.

That was the the genius of Reaganomics, to make other countries bear the costs of the American tax cuts.

1985-Senator Tower arranged for Maxwell to meet with leadership of Sandia National Laboratories, a US nuclear lab. Maxwell sold to Sandia a copy of PROMIS software that had a backdoor to Israeli Intelligence, giving nuclear details to Israel.

Shortly after retirement from the Senate, in 1985, Tower took Maxwell's request for American help in arming Iran, and relayed to President Reagan as a means to trade for American hostages held in Lebanon. "Two days later the former Senator reported to Maxwell that his meeting with President Reagan had produced a positive response."

1985 Enron was founded  by Kenneth Lay in the merger of two natural-gas-transmission companies, Houston Natural Gas Corporation and InterNorth, Inc.; the merged company, HNG InterNorth, was renamed Enron in 1986.

1985-  illegal shipment of missiles to the Khomeini regime in Iran was planned,offi­cially,at an Aug. 8 meeting of Vice President Bush with the National Security Planning Group in the residence section of the White House.

The work of Bush and his cadres bore fruit in what be­ came known,years later,as the first transactions of the Iran scandal.

1985- Pollard arrested for spying for Israel. Accused of providing information that exposed US spys in Soviet Union that were given to Soviet Union by Soviet spies in Israel.

Could Pollard have been patsy to explain the leak and cover for Israeli access to classified information using the backdoor in PROMIS?  Just speculating.

1985-New York , 85 percent of schoolchildren at one public elementary school stayed home during opening week, while hundreds of parents demanded the school system bar any HIV-positive children from attending classes.

The Reagan administration made it unlawful for persons with AIDS to enter the United States. The Cuban government quarantined AIDS victims in modern leper colonies. AIDS activists charged Dr. Fauci with causing the “irrational, punitive” response that followed his hysterical statements

1985- Arkansas was an important staging post in the Contra War against Nicaragua being run from Washington. One scheme for maintaining a cover-up for Oliver North’s network was, it appears, played out in the Governor’s Mansion in Little Rock, Arkansas occupied by a young Bill Clinton.

Arkansas’s role in the Contra War and in an arms-for-drugs supply network goes back to the early 1980s and the airport at Mena.

A federal investigation aided by the Arkansas State Police established that Barry Seal had his planes refitted at Mena for drug drops, trained pilots there and laundered his profits partly through financial institutions in Arkansas.

Seal at this time was in close contact with North, who acknowledged the relationship in his notebooks and his memoir.

Among those recruited by North was-so the man subsequently asserted in court papers-Terry Reed, formerly with Air America in Thailand.

Reed says he was working for North in 1983. North put Reed in touch with a Seal, and by 1984 Reed had established a base at the hamlet of Nella, ten miles north of Mena in Ouachita National Forest. There Nicaraguan Contras and other recruits from Latin America were trained in resupply missions, night landings, precision airdrops and similar maneuvers.

Reed, familiar with the commercial affairs of Mena, asserts that large sums of drug money were being laundered through leading Arkansas bond brokers, an allegation also being considered by a federal investigator just as his researches were abruptly terminated.

1985-Another pedophile network that was connected to a close associate George H.W. Bush in the early 1990s was run as an affiliate of the Catholic charity Covenant House, which was founded and run by Father Bruce Ritter.

In 1968, Ritter asked his superior— Cardinal Francis Spellman of the Archdiocese of New York — for permission to take homeless teenagers, boys and girls, into his home in Manhattan.

Spellman was accused of pedophilia and ordained known pedophiles while serving as the highest-ranking Catholic priest in the United States.

Spellman was also a close associate, client and friend of Roy Cohn, as well as of his law partner Tom Bolan, and Spellman was alleged to have been seen at least one of Cohn’s “blackmail parties.”

In addition, Spellman’s nephew, Ned Spellman, worked for Roy Cohn, according to LIFE magazine.

Ritter, like Spellman and other priests who served under Spellman, was eventually accused of having sexual relationships with many of the underaged boys he had taken in, and of spending Covenant House funds on lavish gifts and payments to the vulnerable teenagers he exploited. 

Notably, when Ritter’s activities at Covenant House were exposed in 1989 by the New York Post, Charles M. Sennott, the Post reporter who wrote the story, would later state that “the secular powers more than the archdiocese or the Franciscans protected him [Ritter].”

Sennott’s report was attacked viciously by columnists in other New York media outlets, powerful politicians including then-Governor of New York Mario Cuomo, as well as by Cardinal Spellman’s successor, Cardinal John O’Connor.

The likely reason these “secular powers” came to the aid of the embattled Ritter, who was never charged for having sexual relationships with minors and was merely forced to resign from his post, is that Covenant House and Ritter himself were deeply tied to Robert Macauley, Bush Sr.’s roommate at Yale and a long-time friend of the Bush family.

Macauley was described by the New York Times as “instrumental” to Covenant House fundraising after he joined its board in 1985 and brought on several “other wealthy or well-connected people,” including former government officials and investment bankers.

Macauley’s organization, the AmeriCares Foundation, which was later accused of funneling money to the Contras in Central America, was one of the main sources of funding of Covenant House.

One of the members of AmeriCares advisory board was William E. Simon, former U.S. secretary of the treasury under the Nixon and Ford administrations, who also ran the Nicaraguan Freedom Fund, which sent aid to the Contras.

AmeriCares was also known to work directly with U.S. intelligence. As the Hartford Courant noted in 1991:

“Knowledgeable former federal officials, many with backgrounds in intelligence work, help AmeriCares maneuver in delicate international political environments.”

Furthermore, Ritter was known to have visited Macauley’s Connecticut estate and served as Vice President of AmeriCares until he was forced to resign from Covenant House.

Notably, George H.W. Bush’s brother, Prescott, was also on the AmeriCares advisory board.

After George H.W. Bush died, AmeriCares stated that he had been “instrumental in founding the health-focused relief and development organization.”

Years before Ritter was outed as a pedophile who preyed on the disadvantaged and vulnerable teenagers who sought refuge at his charity, Covenant House was praised heavily by President Ronald Reagan, even earning a mention in his 1984 State of the Union address, which called Ritter one of the country’s “unsung heroes.”

1985-Adnan Khashoggi, was among the richest men in the world, and the arms merchant at the center of the entire Iran-Contra operation, was a life-long friend of the bin Laden family. Adnan Khashoggi’s father was the physician to Mohammed bin Laden, and got his start in business by arranging a large truck import deal for Salem bin Laden.

Barrick Gold was established as American Barrick Resources and listed on the New York Stock Exchange. Khashoggi, Marcos’s intermediary in offloading the Japanese gold onto the market, was, in fact, the majority owner of Barrick Gold.

The Marcos gold, laundered through Barrick, was used as collateral for the creation of billions of dollars of financial securities that were later used to buy up priceless assets of the former Soviet state at pennies on the dollar.

Notably, although the Canadian Barrick Gold held no mines in Europe, Barrick refined its gold at two Swiss gold refineries—MKS Finance S.A. and Argor-Heraeus S.A.—both on the Italian border and just hours away from the gold depository beneath the Zurich International Airport in Kloten, Switzerland. It led to a question that Barrick never answered: what gold was Barrick refining in Switzerland, as they had no mines in that region?

In 1985, bin Mahfouz’s Saudi National Commercial Bank had loaned Khashoggi 21 million dollars to purchase weapons to sell illegally to Iran, at the behest of Oliver North.

Khashoggi had forged an association with Sheik Kamal Adham, the front-man for BCCI, and the CIA, with the incorporation of Barrick Gold, a Canadian company he founded with Peter Munk.

Barrick Gold was itself a spin-off of Barrick Resources International (BRI), the nascent firm founded two years before, by Kermit Roosevelt, to serve as a dummy business front for the CIA. The company’s seed investors were Saudis with CIA ties, including Shiek Kamal Adham, Adnan Khashoggi, and Prince Nawaf bin Abdul Aziz, a major investor in Barrick, code-named “Tumbleweed” by his CIAcontacts.

Khashoggi distanced himself from Barrick shortly after the Iran-Contra scandal broke, but held onto his stock, tied up as collateral for North’s arms transfers to Iran.

1985-Khashoggi made Donald Fraser, the Toronto-based businessman who allegedly handled the Saudi loan via his Cayman Islands company, president of Khashoggi's Triad American holding company.

Khashoggi used the Monte Carlo office of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International to launder money for Iran arms sales.

1986, aware of what Marcos was doing through their asset, Khashoggi, among others, the CIA decided they had another use for the Marcos gold—namely, as collateral for issuing tens of billions of Western dollar securities that would be offered in the buyout of Russia’s state economic crown jewels.

Marcos, no longer of use to Washington, was driven from office in a CIA putsch that used the newly created NED as a cover to funnel millions of dollars to Marcos’s opponent, Corazon Aquino, for organizing mass street demonstrations.

Under orders from Vice President George H.W. Bush, a CIA operation was led by close Bush associates to get rid of Marcos.

The operation included Richard Armitage, Paul Wolfowitz, and Adnan Khashoggi, the mysterious CIA-linked Saudi arms dealer who had been helping Marcos secretly sell the stolen Japanese gold.

After forcing the exile of a defeated Marcos to Hawaii, Bush arranged for the Marcos gold to be deposited in special accounts at several select international banks—Citibank, Chase Manhattan, Hong Kong Shanghai Banking Corporation (HSBC), UBS of Zurich, and Banker’s Trust, later to become part of Deutsche Bank.

The Marcos gold was held in a deep underground, high-security depository in Kloten, Switzerland, beneath the Zurich International Airport.

At that same time, a murky Canadian businessman named Peter Munk, a business partner with the CIA-linked arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi, cofounded a Canadian gold-mining company, Barrick Gold. Some years later Barrick Gold went on to become the world’s largest gold-mining company.

What happened to the Marcos gold after it was confiscated by U.S. agents in 1986 is not well known,  but throughout the early 1990s, the world gold market would be befuddled by the mysterious appearance of thousands of tonnes of gold which appeared to suppress the price of gold.

1986-the Reagan administration’s Environmental Protection Agency raised the “safe” level of sodium fluoride in public water supplies from 2 parts per million gallons to 4 parts, even though one part per million has been shown to impair neurological efficiency.

1986 -When the Iran and Contra scandals blew up , Munk announced a shareholders' meeting to decide on an urgent restructuring plan. A new organization emerged, keeping the Khashoggi group in control, but easing Khashoggi out of the limelight and making Munk the sole public figurehead.

Personnel were shifted into the Canada organization out of Khashoggi's Triad operations in Utah.

1986-Over the years, the list of his friends and guests at Cohn’s lavish parties included Estee Lauder, Norman Mailer, Bianca Jagger, Barbara Walters, Andy Warhol, William F. Buckley Jr., George Steinbrenner, former New York mayor Abraham D. Beame and many others, some of them Cohn’s clients.

Although Cohn denied his homosexuality and often expressed anti-gay sentiments, Sidney Zion, a journalist who helped Cohn write his autobiography, described him as “the Babe Ruth of the Gay World.”

On June 23, 1986, Cohn was disbarred. “Simply stated the four charges involved alleged dishonesty, fraud, deceit and misrepresentation,” the court said.

Cohn died of AIDS six weeks later, on Aug. 2, 1986.

1986- Seal had sold his C-123K cargo plane for $250,000 in 1985. The buyer was the same CIA contractor, Harold Doan, from whom Seal had acquired the plane a year earlier.

The plane later ended up in the service of Oliver North’s Contra resupply program and entered aviation history on October 3, 1986, when it was shot down over Nicaraguan air space and its cargo kicker, Eugene Hasenfus, was taken into custody by the Sandinistas and paraded before the world as living proof of the Reagan administration’s war against their country.

Eugene Hasenfus, the only survivor, confessed CIA involvement after he parachuted to safety and was captured by Nicaraguan soldiers.

Iran-Contra reached fruition from 1984 to 1986. Compelling evidence shows the covert crime spree was under the direction of Vice President Bush (although Bush denied it, most famously during an interview with CBS Anchor Dan Rather).

Oliver North worked closely with Bush's team, which maintained plausible deniability even while other evidence amassed of massive drug-running and arms-smuggling (in part through a small town airport located in Mena, Arkansas where the smuggler Barry Seal was particularly active until he was gunned down in 1986.).

The operation was only partly to benefit the right-wing "Contras" in their CIA-assisted military activities against left-wing officials.

Besides narcotics and arms smuggling, other purposes of Iran-Contra criminality are reported to have included massive financial frauds involving major officials and banks, with taxpayers and gullible investors absorbing what Martin estimated as $350 billion in losses.

1986- Although supposedly in a witness protection program, Seal said he considered himself “a clay pigeon.” He was eventually tracked down by a team of assassins working for Jorge Ochoa and Pablo Escobar.

On February 19, 1986, Seal’s body was riddled with hundreds of bullets as he sat in his whit Cadillac outside the Salvation Army Center in Baton Rouge.

1986- Scientists have long suspected the existence of a “lab-created” virus which attacks the immune system. In January 1986, the French-born and trained biologists Professor Jakob and Dr. Lilli Segal, published a pamphlet entitled, “AIDS: USA-Home Made Evil; Not Imported from Africa.”

The two scientists, a biophysicist and a biologist affiliated with the Humboldt University in Berlin, pointed out that examination of the genes making up the HIV retrovirus revealed it “could not have come about by a natural way known to biologists.”

They called the virus a “chimera,” originally created in 1977 at Fort Detrick, Maryland. The Segals were not the only researchers to suggest that “genetic engineering” was involved with AIDS.

John Seale, M.D., a London venereologist, also stated that the molecular structure of HIV suggested “manipulation of viruses” rather than a natural mutation from known retroviruses. And Dr. Robert Strecker, M.D., a Los Angeles internist, has made the same assertion.

These advocates of the artificial HIV theory all note the structural similarities of HIV to visna virus, a pathogen found in sheep with similarities to AIDS. The scientists argue that the visna virus was artificially combined with the HTLV-I virus, another retrovirus which causes human lymphoma, a cancer of the white blood cells. Today designer viruses are limited only by the imagination of the scientist creating them.

1986-On November 25  the biggest political and constitutional scandal since Watergate exploded in Washington when President Ronald Reagan told a packed White House news conference that funds derived from covert arms deals with the Islamic Republic of Iran had been diverted to buy weapons for the US-backed Contra rebels in Nicaragua.

Reagan’s announcement, in which he named two subordinates - National Security Advisor John M Poindexter and NSC staffer Oliver L North - as the responsible parties, was the first to link the two operations.’

More than three years later, on 7 April 1990, Poindexter was convicted for conspiracy, obstruction of justice, perjury, defrauding the government, and the alteration and destruction of evidence pertaining to the Iran-Contra Affair.

On appeal, these convictions were reversed in 1991. (North had been convicted on lesser charges the previous year, and his convictions were reversed in 1990.)

Poindexter would later lead the Total Information Awareness Program under George W Bush before handing it off to the private sector such as Facebooks Zuckerberg and Peter Thiel of Palantir as Congress balked at the idea. Thiel would later become one of Trumps biggest supporters and Facebook would be instrumental in Trumps election

1986-In the six months before Spectrum 7 was acquired by Harken it had lost $400,000. In the buyout deal, George "Jr." and his partners were given more than $2 million worth of Harken stock for the 180-well operation.

Made a director and hired as a "consultant" to Harken, Junior received another $600,000 of Harken stock, and has been paid between $42,000 and $120,000 a year since 1986

1986, the New York Times reported that Marcos-connected transactions involving tens of millions of dollars went through U.S. institutions such as the Rockefellers’ Chase Manhattan Bank. During a federal racketeering trial against Imelda Marcos in New York in 1990, the New York Times reported that Imelda’s lawyer Gerald Spence said, “President Bush had urged Mr. Marcos to invest in United States real estate.”

1987-Bush took time out from his father’s presidential campaign to travel to Little Rock, Arkansas, where he met with Jackson Stephens, head of Stephens Inc., the largest private investment bank outside Wall Street.

Following W.’s visit in 1987, Stephens brought in the Union Bank of Switzerland (UBS), the largest financial institution in that secretive Alpine enclave.

According to Harken filings, the London branch of that Swiss bank underwrote Harken’s twenty-five-million-dollar stock offering. The bulk of the UBS shares, in turn, went to a Saudi operating through a Caribbean shell company.

1987-Epstein would also come into contact with Leslie Wexner, a billionaire close to the Meyer Lansky-linked Bronfman family, who himself was tied to members of organized crime syndicates once represented by Cohn.

1987-The same year that Wexner would begin his decades-long association with Epstein, another Cohn friend with ties to the Reagan White House and the Trump family, Ronald Lauder, would provide Epstein with an Austrian passport in 1987 containing Epstein’s picture but a false name. 

Lauder, Wexner and the Bronfmans would become members of an elite organization known as the Mega Group, which also includes other Meyer Lansky-connected “philanthropists” like hedge fund manager Michael Steinhardt.

1987-About the same time Khashoggi and Adham were investing in Barrick, a partner of their BCCI partner (Khalid bin Mahfouz) was becoming a 12% investor in Harken,a Texas oil company of which George W. Bush was a director from 1986 to 1993.

In 1987, the original plan for Harken Oil and Gas was to obtain 25 million dollars in investment capital from the Banque de Commerce et de Placements (BCP), a joint venture between the Union Bank of Switzerland (UBS) and BCCI, as the controlling interest.

Stephens made arrangements with Union Bank of Switzerland (UBS) to provide $25 million to Harken in return for a stock interest in Harken.

Finally, in the course of restructuring the deal, UBS decided to sell off its shares. Stephens found a new buyer for the UBS’s shares: Sheikh Abdullah Bakhsh, a Saudi real estate tycoon and financier, joined Harken's board as a major investor.  Stephens, UBS, and Bakhsh each have ties to the scandal-ridden Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI).

Between 1976 and 1982, Abdullah Taha Bakhsh was the representative for the bin Laden family."

It was Stephens who suggested in the late 1970s that BCCI purchase what became First American Bankshares in Washington, D.C. BCCI later acquired First American's predecessor, Financial General Bankshares.

At the time of the Harken investment, UBS was a joint-venture partner with BCCI in a bank in Geneva, Switzerland. Bakhsh has been an investment partner in Saudi Arabia with Gaith Pharoan, identified by the U.S. Federal Reserve Board as a "front man" for BCCI's secret acquisitions of U.S. banks.

The managing director of BCP was Dr. Hartmann. The financing was brokered by Dr. Hartmann and Bruce Rappaport. The InterMaritime Bank of Geneva and New York – which was affiliated with a global network of many Mahfouz-connected banks, around the Saudi National Commercial Bank – was also involved in multiple covert CIA operations.

Rappaport, a golfing buddy of then CIA director William Casey, was deeply implicated in the BCCI affair, involving secret accounts for illegal arms sales to Iran, partnered with Oliver North.

Dr. Hartmann was also the chairman of the Swiss affiliate of yet another criminal bank, the Italian Banco Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL).

According to the Congressional Record in 1992, BNL was alleged, by U.S. House Banking Committee Chairman Henry Gonzalez, to have secured billions of dollars in illegally-used, weapons-directed loans from the first Bush administration to Saddam Hussein just prior to Desert Storm.

1987, Donald Trump purchased his first casino interests when he acquired 93 percent of the shares in Resorts International in Atlantic City, which evolved from a CIA money-laundering front company set up by CIA chief Allen Dulles in the 1950’s.

Resorts International has a sordid history that began in the early 1950’s when it evolved from a CIA and Mossad front company which had been established for the purpose of money laundering the profits from drug trafficking, gambling, and other illegal activities. The appropriation by the mafia of casinos like those operated by Resorts International was the result of a decision by the Meyer Lansky Syndicate to expand operations outside Las Vegas.

On October 30, 1978, The Spotlight newspaper reported that the principle investors of Resorts International were, in addition to Lansky, Tibor Rosenbaum, William Mellon Hitchcock, David Rockefeller, and Baron Edmond de Rothschild.

1987-Trump took an all-expenses-paid jaunt to the Soviet Union in July to discuss building the Russians some luxury hotels.

Upon his return Trump turned to Roger Stone, a Nixon-era dirty trickster then with the firm of Black, Manafort & Stone, for political advice. Trump had met Stone and his colleague Paul Manafort through Roy Cohn. Although they worked in somewhat different spheres—Cohn was a hardball fixer, Stone a political strategist and lobbyist—to a large extent, they were cut from the same ethically challenged cloth.

Under Stone’s tutelage, on September 1, 1987, just seven weeks after his return from Moscow, Trump suddenly went full steam ahead promoting his newly acquired foreign policy expertise, by paying nearly $ 100,000 for full-page ads in the Boston Globe, Washington Post, and New York Times calling for the United States to stop spending money to defend Japan and the Persian Gulf, “an area of only marginal significance to the U.S. for its oil supplies, but one upon which Japan and others are almost totally dependent.”

1987, President Reagan signed an executive order (12591) that aimed to legitimize his 1983 memorandum that instructed heads of executive branch departments and agencies to “promote the commercialization . . . of patentable results of federally funded research by granting to all contractors, regardless of size, the title to patents made in whole or in part with Federal funds, in exchange for royalty-free use by or on behalf of the government.”

This 1987 executive order is nothing like Bayh-Dole. Bayh-Dole has nothing to say about promoting commercialization. Bayh-Dole does not grant title to patents to contractors. Bayh-Dole does not even grant title to inventions to contractors.

1987. Junior and other Harken officials met with Jackson Stephens, head of Stephens, Inc., a large investment bank in Little Rock, Arkansas (Stephens made a $100,000 contribution to the Reagan-Bush campaign in 1980 and gave another $100,000 to the Bush dinner committee in 1990.).

1987, Epstein began his relationship with his principal financier, Leslie Wexner, who is also closely associated with Lauder

1987-Lauder began his friendship with Epstein in 1987, the same year his fake Austrian passport was issued (Lauder wax Amassador to Austria at the time) In 1987, Epstein also began his relationship with his principal financier, Leslie Wexner, who is also closely associated with Lauder (though some sources claim that Epstein and Wexner first met in 1985 but that their strong business relationship was not established until 1987). 

1987, U.S. Bankruptcy Judge George Bason ruled in favor of Inslaw and awarded Hamilton $6.8 million, saying that Justice Department officials "took, converted and stole" PROMIS through "trickery, fraud and deceit."

But the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals reversed the case on a legal technicality, finding that the bankruptcy court had no jurisdiction to hear the damages claim.

1987- Fairness Doctrine repealed  by Ronald Reagan’s pro-broadcaster FCC, the doctrine can be traced back to the early days of broadcast regulation. Fox News was established the same year

1987-  In mid-October, shortly after Sir Bubbles Greenspan took over the Federal Reserve Board, a storm cloud of news reports undermined investor confidence and led to additional volatility in markets.

The federal government disclosed a larger-than-expected trade deficit and the dollar fell in value. The markets began to unravel, foreshadowing the record losses that would develop a week later.

Beginning on October 14, a number of markets began incurring large daily losses. On October 16, the rolling sell-offs coincided with an event known as “triple witching,” which describes the circumstances when monthly expirations of options and futures contracts occurred on the same day. By the end of the trading day on October 16, which was a Friday, the DJIA had lost 4.6 percent.

The weekend trading break offered only a brief reprieve; Treasury Secretary James Baker on Saturday, October 17, publicly threatened to de-value the US dollar in order to narrow the nation’s widening trade deficit.

Even before US markets opened for trading on Monday morning, stock markets in and around Asia began plunging.. In the United States, the DJIA crashed at the opening bell and eventually finished down 508 points, or 22.6 percent.

This would be known as Black Monday

Behind the scenes, the Fed encouraged banks to continue to lend on their usual terms. Ben Bernanke, writing in 1990, noted that “making these loans must have been a money-losing strategy from the point of view of the banks (and the Fed); otherwise, Fed persuasion would not have been needed.

But lending was a good strategy for the preservation of the system as a whole” (Bernanke 1990). According to Bernanke, the 10 largest New York banks nearly doubled their lending to securities firms during the week of October 19 even though discount window borrowings didn’t themselves increase (Garcia 1989).

Some experts argue the Fed’s response to Black Monday ushered in a new era of investor confidence in the central bank’s ability to calm severe market downturns.

On the other hand, some argue that the Fed’s response set a precedent that had the potential to exacerbate moral hazard (Cecchetti and Disyatat 2010).

Stock markets quickly recovered a majority of their Black Monday losses. In just two trading sessions, the DJIA gained back 288 points, or 57 percent, of the total Black Monday downturn. Less than two years later, US stock markets surpassed their pre-crash highs.

Following this Reagan signed off on Sir Bubbles Greenspan idea to create the "Plunge Protection Team" (PPT) aka Working Group on Financial Markets in 1988 . Its purpose was to intervene in the markets to stabilize it during turbulent market times

This group is headed by the Secretary of the Treasury; other members include the Chair of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve, the Chair of the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Chair of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (or the aides or officials they designate to represent them).

1987-Casey was suspected, by some, of involvement with the controversial Iran-Contra affair, in which Reagan administration personnel secretly traded arms to the Islamic Republic of Iran, and secretly diverted some of the resulting income to aid the rebel Contrasin Nicaragua, in violation of U.S. law. Casey was called to testify before Congress about his knowledge of the affair.   

On 15 December, 1986, one day before Casey was scheduled to testify before Congress, Casey suffered two seizures and was hospitalized. Three days later, Casey underwent surgery for a previously undiagnosed brain tumor.  Casey died in hospital less than 24 hours after former colleague Richard Secordtestified that Casey supported the illegal aiding of the Contras.

1987-In March , President Ronald Reagan and French Prime Minister Jacques Chirac appeared in the East Room of the White House to announce that their governments had settled the question of whether scientists at the Pasteur Institute of Paris or the National Institutes of Health had invented the blood test for the virus known as HIV.

The answer, it appeared, was both. The names of the Pasteur scientists were added to the American patent on the AIDS test, and the focal agreement that formed the core of the settlement declared that both countries' scientists had independently "succeeded in isolating a human retrovirus which proved to be the causative agent of AIDS."

Just eight days later, at the Los Alamos National Laboratory in northern New Mexico, a scientist specializing in the genetic analysis of viruses sent senior officials at the National Institutes of Health a confidential memo warning that "a double fraud" had been perpetrated on the scientific community.

The Los Alamos scientist, Gerald Myers, had compared the genetic codes of the French and American AIDS viruses and determined they were not independent discoveries but had undoubtedly come from the same patient.

Moreover, Myers said, the American virus and its progeny could not have been isolated from a pool of blood samples from several AIDS patients, as the NIH publicly had maintained.

"I suggest that we have paid for this deception in more than the usual ways," Myers wrote. "Scientific fraudulence always costs humanity ... but here we have been additionally misdirected with regard to the extent of variation of the virus, which we can ill afford..."

Myers' memo, which would have undermined the historic settlement before the ink had dried, was promptly buried in the NIH's files where it remained until it was accidentally discovered late last year (1988) by investigators for Rep. John Dingell (D-Mich.), who in a few days will relinquish the chairmanship of the House subcommittee that oversees the NIH.

According to a draft report of a three-year investigation by Dingell's staff, the interment of the Myers memo represents a single example, albeit a "particularly egregious" one, of what the report describes as a "continuing coverup" by successive administrations of the role played by American scientists in the discovery of the AIDS virus and the invention of the AIDS test.

While the Department of Health and Human Services, of which the NIH is a part, "did its best to cover up the wrong-doing," the report states, "the failure of the entire scientific establishment to take any meaningful action left the disposition of scientific truth to bureaucrats and lawyers, with neither the expertise nor the will essential to the task."

The Dingell report summarizes the last, and also the most sweeping, of several inquiries into the case of Dr. Robert C. Gallo, the NIH researcher who claimed credit for the discovery of the AIDS virus and the development of the blood test.

The draft report, which one senior Dingell aide said represented "a bipartisan consensus of the staff investigators," is as unstinting in its criticism of the current NIH director, Dr. Harold Varmus, a Clinton appointee, as of Varmus's predecessor, Dr. Bernadine Healy, and other officials of the Reagan and Bush administrations.

Although the report credits Varmus with ending "the atmosphere of overt protectionism of Dr. Gallo" at NIH, it criticizes his recent decision to give the Pasteur Institute a greater share of AIDS test royalties as "based on a disingenuous explanation of accounting anomalies, rather than the proven fact that the [Gallo laboratory's] scientists, contravening a formal transfer agreement, used [the Pasteur's] AIDS virus isolate to make their blood test."

According to the report, the Dingell investigation began as a probe into alleged kickbacks and diversion of federal funds by two of Gallo's assistants, both of whom were convicted of federal felonies.

It expanded to include the circumstances surrounding the decade-long Franco-American dispute, and its completion comes at a difficult time for the cancer institute, where Gallo still heads what was once NIH's biggest research laboratory.

1987, the Wall Street Journal won a Pulitzer Prize for its investigation of an HHS scheme its writers characterized as a deliberate campaign by officials to misre-present AIDS as a general pandemic to secure greater public funding and financial support.

The flimflam worked. Terror of pestilence, it turns out, is a potent impulse, and Fauci was adept at weaponizing it—and he quickly learned that other “respected authorities” would follow his lead.

Following Dr. Fauci’s fear-mongering prophecy, Theresa Crenshaw of the President’s AIDS Commission made the astonishing forecast that

“If the spread of AIDS continues at this rate, in 1996 there could be one billion people infected; five years later, hypothetically billions.”

Crenshaw asked, “Could we be facing the threat of extinction during our lifetime?”

1987-Fischl study which was published in July  in the New England Journal of Medicine (NEJM) — and already then Fauci was in charge of federal AIDS funding.

John Lauritsen, journalist, Harvard analyst had viewed the FDA documents on the Fischl study and came to the conclusion that the study was “fraud”; the Swiss newspaper Weltwoche termed the experiment a “gigantic botch-up” and NBC News in New York branded the experiments, conducted across the US, as “seriously flawed.“

Even the FDA toxicology analyst Harvey I. Chernov concluded — months before publication of the mentioned pivotal AZT study – in an FDA document obtained under the Freedom Of Information Actby John Lauritsten that:

“The available data are insufficient to support FDA approval [of AZT].”

The Fischl experiments were, in fact, stopped after only four months, after 19 trial subjects in the placebo group (those who did not receive AZT, but rather an inactive placebo) and only one participant from the so-called verum group (those who were officially taking AZT) had died. Through this, according to the AIDS establishment, the efficacy of AZT appeared to be proven.

But the Fischl study was not even worth the paper it was printed on. Not only was it financed by AZT manufacturer Burroughs-Wellcome (today GlaxoSmithKline), which is clearly a conflict of interest, but it was “clear that Fauci‘s NIH and the FDA had far too ‘cozy’ a relationship with Burroughs-Wellcome,”.

Apart from that, the study was stopped after only four months. A clinical trial observation period of only four months is much too short to be informative, considering the usual practice of administering AIDS medications over years, or even a lifetime.

Moreover, the Fischl study had been conducted in a downright fraudulent manner. “It is almost beyond the bounds of probability that the mortality data could be correct,” as Lauritsen states.

“There are many ways that errors can occur in research. But in this particular study the most parsimonious explanation would be deliberate fraud.”

For example, the double-blind conditions of the study (according to which neither the researchers nor patients should have known who was taking AZT and who was taking placebos) were no longer existent after a short time. NBC lead reporter Perri Peltz stated in 1988, that almost immediately everyone knew who was getting what. Patients told how they can distinguish AZT from placebo by the taste.

Furthermore, the FDA documents show that the study results were distorted. For example, sicker patients were placed in the placebo group or because the group that swallowed AZT (and therefore had to cope with the severe side effects) received more supportive medical services (eg-Blood transfusions) than the placebo subjects.

NBC reported that there was widespread tampering with the rules of the Fischl trial. The rules had been violated coast to coast, and if all patients with protocol violations were dropped, there wouldn’t be enough to be able to continue the study.

1987-AZT became the AIDS “therapy” even though in the recommended dosage of 1,500 mg/day, it was absolutely fatal.

1987, Dr. Duesberg and his followers argue, the vast majority of “AIDS deaths” were actually caused by AZT—Dr. Fauci’s radical “antiretroviral” chemotherapy purposefully concocted to kill human cells. Duesberg describes the syndrome as “AIDS by AZT.”

Ironically, he argued AZT, the highly toxic medication that Dr. Fauci was prescribing to treat AIDS patients, actually does what the virus cannot—that is, it causes AIDS itself.

Burroughs Wellcome’s insert warns that it is “often difficult to distinguish adverse events possibly associated with administration of RETROVIR (AZT) from underlying signs of HIV disease or intercurrent illnesses.”

In other words, even the company acknowledges that AZT causes the diseases that define AIDS.

The annual mortalities from so-called AIDS during the early years of the pandemic for 1983–1987—prior to AZT’s approval—were lower, perhaps ten to fifteen thousand people in a country of 250 million.

According to the CDC, in the fifth full year of AIDS, 1986, 12,205 people “with” AIDS died in the United States. At that time, CDC—in a now-familiar scheme to stoke pandemic fears—used deceptive protocols to inflate the body counts.

The CDC’s mortality numbers include anyone with an HIV positive antibody “status,” even if the deceased had no “AIDS defining illness,” and instead succumbed to suicide, a drug overdose, a car accident, or a heart attack.

In 1987, “AIDS” deaths rose by 46 percent with 16,469 people dying. In 1988, as more and more people received AZT, the death toll rose to 21,176, and then to 27,879 in 1989 (when AZT was recommended for health HIV+). Death rates rose to 31,694 in 1990, and 37,040 in 1991.

In 1987 HHS’s standard prescription for AZT was 1,500 mg a day. In 1988, the average survival time for patients taking AZT was four months.

1987-Bactrim, a combination antibiotic, was approved by the FDA in 1973. Dr. Walter Hughes successfully treated PCP in people suffering from other conditions that cause defects in T-cell immunity, such as certain types of leukemia, with Bactrim in the 1970s.

Frontline doctors began using it with demonstrated benefits in AIDS patients suffering from PCP to treat and prevent the infection.

Fauci told activists attending a 1987 meeting that there was no data to suggest PCP prophylaxis was beneficial and that it may, in fact be dangerous."

Fauci's close colleague, Dr. Samuel Broder, who was head of the National Cancer Institute, even suggested -- in the absence of any evidence at all -- that the newly introduced antiretroviral, AZT, would make prophylaxis against PCP redundant!

In the two years between 1987 and 1989, when the guidelines were ultimately issued recommending Bactrim for PCP in AIDS patients, nearly 17,000 people with AIDS suffocated from PCP.

Most of these people might have lived had Fauci responded appropriately.

1988-Vice President George H. W. Bush’s presidential debate when asked who he admired most:

You’ve probably never heard of him. He’s a very fine researcher, top doctor at National Institute of Health, working hard doing something, research on this disease of AIDS.

1988-the NSFNET backbone went online, connecting thirteen regional networks and over 170 different campuses across the country.

The Internet is perhaps one of the most valuable public inventions of the twentieth century, and decisions made by a few key unelected officials in the federal bureaucracy set the Internet on the certain path to privatization.

There was no real public debate, no discussion, no dissension, and no oversight. It was just given away, before anyone outside this bureaucratic bubble realized what was at stake.

With public funds the federal government created a dozen network providers out of thin air and then spun them off to the private sector, building companies that in the space of a decade would become integral parts of the media and telecommunications conglomerates we all know and use today—Verizon, Time-Warner, AT&T, Comcast.

In 1988 (all sorts of dial-up and networking services popped up across the country. There were big firms like CompuServe, Prodigy, and America Online as well as hundreds of smaller outfits.

1988-George W. Bush allegedly called Argentina's Minister of Public Works to pressure him into awarding Enron a $300 million contract shortly after his father won the presidency. Rodolfo Terragno recalled that the younger George Bush said that giving Enron the project "would be very favorable for Argentina and its relations with the United States."

1988-Neil Bush, William Walters, a Denver developer, and Kenneth Good, a Texas developer, became partners in JNB, an oil firm.

In mid-1985, Bush joined the board of Silverado (better known as “Desperado”), a Denver S&L, which both Walters and Good already owed more than $100 million.

Bush, who had received what in effect was a $100,000 gift from Good as well as other major financial assistance, was successfully pressing Silverado’s management–without mentioning these favors–to let Good off the hook on his debts.

In 1986 federal examiners decided that Silverado was out of control (for the examiners, this was an embarrassing step to take, seeing as how some of them in previous years had encouraged Silverado into wild financial ventures).

By the late summer of 1988, examiners were ready to seize the company. But according to Time, a phone call from the White House (nobody has yet discovered who was on that end of the line) applied the brakes.

The election was too close; Silverado’s collapse, which will cost taxpayers more than $1 billion, would inevitably have spotlighted the Republican candidate’s son, whose conduct had certainly been unethical and possibly illegal. So the bank board’s seizure of Silverado was delayed until December 9

1988 July 3, when the USS Vincennes guided missile cruiser from the US navy purposely launched a surface-to-air missile and shot down an Iranian Airbus A300B2-203 liner owned by the airline Iran Air.  The catastrophe that befell flight IR655 was the worst aircraft disaster in Iran’s entire history, when all 290 people aboard died: 274 passengers (including 65 children) and 16 crew members.

George Bush, Sr. who was then running his presidential campaign, a month later boldly stated: “I will never apologize for the United States. I don’t care about facts.”

1988- The U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs reported that members of the State Department who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking, and elements of the Contras themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers.”

1988 October Executives of BCCI were indicted on charges they conspired with cocaine traffickers to launder millions of dollars in narcotics profits.FortyU.S.and foreign banks, evidently complicit in the international drug trade, were sub­ poenaed to produce records before a Tampa, Florida grand jury.

BCCI was further exposed as an instrument for the trans­actions of Oliver North and his associates, who had been criminally employed by Vice President George Bush in the Iran and Contra operations.

Recently a former high-level U.S. government official with intimate knowledge of the BCCI case said that the Reagan-Bush-era CIA had initiated the bank's trafficking in drugs and arms. This source said that the CIA had assured BCCI associates that these practices were in accord with U.S. national security. Here was the operation of the Bush "Special Situation" executive, briefly thrown into public view with the BCCI indictments

The records of at least 40 banks were subpoenaed in connection with BCCI's drug-money laundering, including Bank of America, which helped finance the founding of BCCl's start-up company, and at one point owned 30% of BCCI.

Customs agents scrutinized Bank of America ac­ lcounts used by people linked to Roberto Alcaino, a Colom­ bian arrested in 1988 in New York on cocaine-smuggling charges. Alcaino was named in BCCI indictments as "a major trafficker" of cocaine to New York, Los Angeles, and Chica­ go. Executives of BCCI allegedly helped him launder his profits.

Other major banks targeted by the federal probe included: Marine Midland Bank, since 1978 owned by the Hong­ kong and Shanghai Banking Corp., so notorious since the British Opium Wars of the nineteenth century as a drug bank, that the New York State Banking Commission blocked its buyout of Marine Midland;Republic National Bank, the New York City flagship firm of Israeli mafia figure Edmond Safra, whose banking empire stretches from the eastern Mediterranean to lbero­ America.

1988-Though it is unknown how long the sex ring at the Plaza Hotel continued, and whether it continued after Cohn’s death from AIDS in 1986, it is worth noting that Donald Trump purchased the Plaza Hotel in 1988. It would later be reported and confirmed by then-attendees that Trump “used to host parties in suites at the Plaza Hotel when he owned it, where young women and girls were introduced to older, richer men” and “illegal drugs and young women were passed around and used.”

1988-89 Triad Holding Company went bankrupt after Khashoggi was indicted for using it to channel money for the Iran-Contra deal.  Fortunately, he made his $4 million bail thanks to his friend, Peter Munk, chairman of Barrick Gold.  

He still held onto his Barrick Gold shares though -- despite them being held as collateral for the arms deal.

Business was good for a while, having helped out his good friend Imelda Marcos hide her gold and assets -- legally according to the not guilty  verdict in 1991

1988, Khashoggi was arrested in Switzerland, accused of concealing funds, held for three months and then extradited to the United States where he was released on bail and subsequently acquitted.

In 1990, a United States federal jury in Manhattan acquitted Khashoggi and Imelda Marcos , widow of the exiled Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos , of racketeering and fraud .

1988, CIA front Riggs Bank bought a controlling interest in a little known company based in Isle of Man called the Valmet Group.  

George H.W. Bush and his old boys, the “retired” CIA network (aka The Enterprise) with the aid of Bush’s brother Jonathan, set up the Switzerland financial entity Riggs Valmet S.A., headquartered at 14 Chemin Rieu in Geneva.

Riggs Valmet S.A., legally incorporated in the offshore Isle of Man, was established to set up shell companies and accounts to hide and launder money, initially for companies controlled by Bank Menatep’s Khodorkovsky, Roman Abramovich, Boris Berezovsky, and other select “kids” of the corrupt Soviet KGB generals.

The Geneva arm used the offshore bank’s secrecy on the Isle of Man to further hide the paper trail. Without access to large Western banks, the new Yeltsin oligarchs could never have succeeded in moving tens of billions of dollars out of Russia and other newly independent former parts of the Soviet Union into Western offshore havens.

For the Bush CIA network, the aim was to permanently drain the funds out of Russia into accounts in the

Riggs-Valmet “immediately began business contracts with Russian KGB operatives” and it was this relationship that led to the creation of Khodorkovsky’s Bank Menatep.  Both Riggs-Valmet and Menatep then became conduits for moving KGB money out of Russia

The Geneva arm used the offshore bank’s secrecy on the Isle of Man to further hide the paper trail. Without access to large Western banks, Russian oligarchs would never have succeeded in moving tens of billions of dollars out of Russia and other newly independent former parts of the Soviet Union into Western offshore havens.

1988-The most damning evidence supporting the notion that Yamashita’s gold can be found in the story of Rogelio Roxas, an amateur Filipino treasure hunter. Roxas found several tons of gold — allegedly one of the treasure sites of Yamashita’s gold. As word spread, this gold was then seized by Filipino president Ferdinand Marcos.

The Roxas vs. Marcos case brought forward more witnesses and evidence supporting the notion that Yamashita’s gold is real. Specifically, the lawsuit referenced two Australian real estate brokers, John Doel, and Michael O’Brien, who possessed contracts in which Ferdinand Marcos wished to pay an amount equivalent to approximately 1.63 trillion US dollars in gold in exchange for real estate in Australia.

This would suggest that Marcos possessed over 100,000 tons of gold that could be used for this real estate transaction. Robert Curtis, a witness who testified in the trial with experience in metallurgy and mining, stated that Marcos consulted him regarding selling large quantities of gold without disrupting the gold market, as well as in building a vault that could store between 200,000 and 500,000 metric tons of gold.

The entire supply of gold in the world is reported to be 171,300 metric tons.

Following the Roxas vs. Marcos court case in which Roxas was awarded a judgment by the jury, 96 members of the 16th Infantry Battalion and 51st Engineering Brigade of the Filipino Army signed a joint affidavit stating that they recovered 60,000 tons of gold from 30 sites on behalf of Marcos.

Roxas filed a suit against Marcos and his wife in 1988 in Hawaii over the theft.The suit outlived both Ferdinand, who died in 1989, and Roxas, who passed away in 1993.

In 1996, a jury ruled that the late Roxas’ company, the Golden Budha [sic] Corporation, was entitled to $22 billion from the Philippines’ former first family.

Then the ruling was overturned — not because there was doubt that the Marcos regime stole Roxas’ fortune, but rather over the treasure’s valuation. A retrial over the valuation is still being litigated in Hawaii, so Roxas’ kin have yet to see any of that dough.

Still, Imelda Marcos was rapped with a pair of court judgments in favor of Roxas’ family for over $26 million — because she lied about her access to her late husband’s estate.

Yet Imelda, as of 2019 had only coughed up about $1.4 million of the sum, leading Roxas’ daughter, Jeana, to file yet another suit, this time in Manhattan Supreme Court, seeking the balance, filings show.

1988-Robert G. Stone of the Harvard Corporation also served on the board of the Gold Fund of the investment giant Scudder Investments.

The Gold Fund was established in 1988, shortly after Stone brought Harvard’s money into Harken. Four years later, Harken chairman Alan Quasha joined the board of American Express’s AXP Precious Metals Fund.50

1988-In December , after Poppy Bush won the election, Harken’s board gave W. an option to buy twenty-five thousand shares of stock. W. exercised the option immediately with the help of a low-interest loan from the company.

The Poppys Presidency will follow in another part.  I believe he was the defacto President in the Reagan years much like Cheney was during Juniors Presidency