Clinton, Middleton, Epstein and Stephens Inc. Oh my!
On May 7, 2022 Mark Middleton was allegedly found suicided at a ranch he had no connection with shooting himself in the chest with a shotgun while hanging himself.
Middleton arranged 7 meetings between Epstein and Clinton in the mid-90’s
On August 23, 2022 a 7 day ripe old Steve Hoffenberg was found dead in his apartment .
Hoffenberg who partnered with Epstein swindled thousands of investors out of $460 million and was sentenced in 1997 to 20 years in prison. He claimed Epstein was actually the architect of the scheme, but Epstein was never charged during the Clinton administration
Hoffenberg was 77 so I didn’t think much of his death, and I never heard of Middleton before listening to Whitney Webb on a recent podcast.
She will have more in her books coming out in September and October, but I was interested enough to look into it some more. There is almost nothing I could find on what Middleton, Clinton and Epstein was up to. I guess I will have to wait for her books for more.
However, I did find out his brother Larry has worked at Stephens Inc and now I am very interested. Stephens Inc has been connected to BCCI, PROMIS, Bush and the Clintons. This is the first connection of Stephens to Epstein that I am aware of albeit only through Larrys Brother. Turns out Mark did try and funnel some Asian Money through Larry during his Clinton years although allegedly Stephens Inc ultimately refused the business
For those interested, read on. This is mostly a collection of notes and recent stories and I expect Whitney will provide more information in her books
One Nation Under Blackmail, Volume I (Sep 22 release) and Volume II (October?)
https://www.amazon.com/One-Nation-Under-Blackmail-Intelligence/dp/1634243013
Late last year, DailyMail.com exclusively revealed Middleton was among the Clinton advisors and aides who had let Epstein into the White House during the former president's first few years in office.
The late pedophile made at least 17 trips to the White House between 1993 and 1995, seven of which were authorized by Middleton.
The Clinton aide was also one of the many passengers to fly on Epstein's jet, known as the 'Lolita Express'.
Chris Cox Heifer, a spokesman for Heifer International, said that ranch workers found Middleton's car in the parking lot and notified the sheriff.
The body was found shortly afterwards.
Heifer told DailyMail.com: 'He wasn't invited to the property and staff became aware that he was there without authorization.
'We have not found any connection to Heifer.
'The ranch is well known in the area and it's possible that he could have attended something here but we couldn't' find any major links.
'The ranch hosts school groups for things like lambing so he could have attended one of those. It's a very unfortunate incident.'
In an interview with RadarOnline – before he decided to clam up – Sheriff Montgomery said Middleton was discovered hanging from a tree with a shotgun blast to his chest.
Mark Middleton was a Little Rock businessman who was “linked to” sexual predator Jeffrey Epstein by introducing him to Clinton. Daily Mail reported that Middleton “admitted Jeffrey Epstein to the White House multiple times during his presidency.” Authorities have not accused Middleton of any involvement in Epstein’s crimes.
Middleton was the former finance director for Bill Clinton’s presidential campaign and special assistant to Clinton under Chief of Staff Mack McLarty.
Middleton was 59 when he died. The family’s company is based in Bryant, Arkansas. His LinkedIn page says he was “President at MidCorp Capital” and based in Little Rock, Arkansas. He was listed as managing director of Middleton Heat and Air. He was a prominent member of the Bill Clinton administration in the 1990s.
Investigators determined that his cause of death was suicide, the site reported. Daily Mail reported that Middleton died at the Heifer Ranch in Perryville, “owned by an anti-poverty nonprofit called Heifer International, 30 miles away from his home.”
[Heifer International is funded by the BMGF and Black Rock and Middleton had no business being at the Heifer Ranch]
In 1999, the U.S. House Committee on Government Reform, discussed Middleton. U.S. Rep. Dan Burton, committee chair, said the following about him, according to a transcript.
Mark Middleton is here today. He is a former senior White House aide from Arkansas. He was a close friend of the President. He was the Special Assistant to the President and Assistant to the Chief of Staff. For the last 2 1/2 years, he has not cooperated with this committee’s investigation in any way.
Did Mark Middleton know Liu Chao-Ying? We don’t know. Was he working with the Chinese Government or other foreign sources to arrange campaign contributions?
We don’t know. Did Mark Middleton get a half a million dollars to do good things for China?
We don’t know.
We have asked Mr. Middleton to come in and talk with us. We have asked him to respond to all the allegations that have been raised about him. We have not been able to convince him to tell us his side of the story. His lawyer tells us that he is going to assert his fifth amendment rights and not answer any of our questions today.
According to Arkansas Money and Politics:
In 1997, The New York Times reported:
In the spring of 1995, a few months after his fraud conviction, former Associate Attorney General Webster Hubbell and his wife asked a recently retired White House aide whether the Riady family of Indonesia, which had already paid Hubbell $100,000, would be keeping him on its payroll even as he faced prison.
Over dinner at the Palm restaurant in Washington, the former aide, Mark Middleton, told the Hubbells to take their question to the Riady family itself or to John Huang, the Riadys’ former top American executive, who was then a trade official at the Commerce Department, says Robert Luskin, Middleton’s lawyer.
It is not known whether Hubbell ever followed up on Middleton’s suggestion at the Palm. But the gathering, and other new details gleaned from interviews with current and former aides and their associates, indicate that Middleton was one of about a dozen or so senior Clinton administration aides and advisers who found themselves drawn into Hubbell’s plight in one way or another.
The House committee says that Middleton “came to Washington in 1992 after raising money for the Clinton campaign. He was a young attorney who had left the law firm of Mitchell, Williams, Selig, Gates and Woodyard to become one of the first campaign workers for then-Governor Clinton.”
According to that document, “Middleton raised between $4-5 million as Arkansas Director and later as Southern Finance Director. During the transition period after the 1992 election, Middleton worked for Mack McLarty, who had just been named Chief of Staff. McLarty later hired Middleton as an executive or special assistant in the Chief of Staff’s Office, where he was a liaison to the Arkansas and business communities.”
https://heavy.com/news/mark-middleton/
During his time with Clinton, he reportedly invited Epstein to the White House for at least seven of Epstein’s 17 visits.
Middleton may have also flown on Epstein’s plane and connected the two powerful men.
In February 1995, Middleton left the White House. The following year, an investigation by the White House found that he had abused his access to impress business clients and he was barred from the property without senior approval.
He would deny these claims.
https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/18539978/mark-middleton-dead-bill-clinton-aide-jeffrey-epstein/
Having more than one event chair is not unique in the world of philanthropy, but the Middletons, founders of Middleton Heat & Air, bring a lifetime’s worth of teamwork to this year’s gala, which will support emergency and trauma services in honor of first responders.
“We believe the Arkansas Children’s Foundation requested all three serve as co-chairs because members of their team had witnessed the closeness and strength of our working relationship that we enjoy as siblings, friends and business partners,” Larry says.
“The bond that we enjoy today is a result of us learning at a young age that life was better when we faced challenges as a team.”
Among the trio’s Miracle Ball responsibilities are the components of financial support, communication, organization and relationships, Sandy says.
In fact, the Middletons, Larry in particular, are responsible for the Miracle Ball’s 007 theme that comes complete with games of chance, a lavish casino setting based on the Bond films, hors d’oeuvres, martinis and an opportunity to win a 2020 Jaguar or a trip to Italy.
Larry recently visited the Montenegro Casino in Monte Carlo, the site of Bond’s high-stakes poker game in “Casino Royale.” Bond’s was a life-and-death adventure, but then, Sandy notes, there is just as much in the balance when it comes to the work of Arkansas Children's.
“The theme fit our interest in sharing with our community the high stakes Arkansas Children's takes on to serve our state’s children and the high stakes our first responders deal with daily for all of our benefits,” she says.
Larry is executive vice president at financial services firm Stephens Inc., Sandy is co-owner of real estate developer Coastal Partners and Mark is president of investment firm MidCorp Capital.
Just as they have followed different business paths, the Middletons also have different connections to Arkansas Children's.
“Living in central Arkansas, I have observed the growth of the institution and shared in the pride of having one of the leading children’s hospitals in the country in our backyard,” Mark says.
[Well thats interesting, Marks brother Larry is a high level long term Executive at Stephens Inc, and they are all interested in James Bond themes and Children’s welfare. No wonder Mark got along with Epstein]
https://www.littlerocksoiree.com/post/129060/a-family-bond-not-so-secret-service
August 22, 1997
Former Clinton Aide Is Linked
To Taiwan's Central Bank
By PHIL KUNTZ
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
WASHINGTON -- Mark Middleton, a former White House aide now entangled in the Democratic Party's foreign fund-raising scandal, called a Little Rock, Ark., brokerage house in mid-1995 with an odd tip: Taiwan's central bank was shopping for a money manager to invest some of its reserves in U.S. government securities.
According to officials at the firm, Stephens Inc., Mr. Middleton told Chief Operating Officer Curt Bradbury that they would be perfect for the job, because Taiwan wanted to do business with a company perceived to have connections to President Clinton.
Though the brokerage house's relationship with the former Arkansas governor has been rocky at times, Stephens is a force in the state's politics and supported Mr. Clinton's campaigns financially at key moments in his career.
"He said they want to do business with friends of the president," recalls Mr. Bradbury. The implication, he adds, was that Taiwan wanted to build a relationship with the Clinton administration through Stephens. At the time, Taiwan was lobbying hard for enhanced treatment from the U.S. Stephens declined the offer, which it later learned would have involved a $30 million account. "Thank God we didn't take that money," Mr. Bradbury says now.
Indeed, in the two years since, there has been an intense focus on the flow of Asian money into the U.S. political system. Investigators have been examining reports that supporters of both China and Taiwan were interested in using money to influence policy toward Asia.
Stephens officials say they don't know whether congressional investigators and federal law-enforcement authorities probing the campaign-finance scandal know about the matter, because the company hasn't received official inquiries about it.
Responding to two letters outlining the details of this article, the Central Bank of China in Taipei says in a fax: "We never discuss our correspondent-bank lists to the public."
Mr. Middleton's lawyer, Robert Luskin, confirms that his client suggested that Stephens vie for the bank's business, but denies he suggested anything about its political motives. "No one ever suggested to him, and he never suggested to anyone, that an arrangement with Stephens would somehow curry favor with the president," Mr. Luskin says.
Mr. Middleton, a focus of the Senate committee that is investigating campaign abuses, knew Mr. Clinton from their days together in Arkansas and became a major fund-raiser for his 1992 campaign. He held a midlevel White House job until February 1995, when he left to try to broker business deals in Asia.
Traveling in Asia, Mr. Middleton left many with the impression that he was a player in Mr. Clinton's inner circle and could arrange meetings with the president. At times Mr. Middleton was treated accordingly, meeting with numerous political and business tycoons.
Mr. Luskin denies his client was "going around making himself out to be a big shot." Nevertheless, it is clear that Mr. Middleton was visiting Asian power-brokers at a time when major foreign-policy issues were brewing, including the controversy surrounding President Clinton's May 1995 decision to let Taiwan President Lee Teng-hui visit his alma mater, Cornell University.
Though friendly with the Taiwanese, the U.S. doesn't officially recognize it as a separate country; China claims sovereignty over the island. Mr. Lee's visit caused a major rift with China that continued into 1996, when Beijing tried to intimidate Taiwan with military maneuvers and Mr. Clinton sent warships to the region as a warning to China.
Among those Mr. Middleton rubbed elbows with in 1995 was the Taiwanese central bank's governor, Yuan-dong Sheu, a friend and political appointee of Taiwan President Lee. In August 1995, Mr. Middleton was feted at a dinner with a handful of leading Taiwanese businessmen, including Mr. Sheu. Also at that dinner was a Taiwanese-American businessman and one-time major DNC fund-raiser, F.T. Hsu, who months earlier had used his access to the president and Vice President Al Gore to lend his voice to a major lobbying campaign to pressure Mr. Clinton to let President Lee visit Cornell.
This dinner happened within a day or so of Mr. Middleton's previously reported, controversial meeting with Liu Tai-ying, who heads the business arm of Taiwan's ruling Kuomintang Party. Chen Chaoping, a consultant who was there, has said repeatedly, including once in court in Taiwan, that Mr. Liu offered to donate $15 million to aid President Clinton's campaign. Messrs. Liu and Middleton deny that.
Faced with a libel suit, Mr. Chen later said he had misunderstood what transpired. But a Taiwanese judge dismissed libel charges against two journalists who had reported the alleged offer, calling Mr. Chen's court testimony “more credible" than his recantation, and the journalists' article "not entirely groundless."
Exactly when in mid-1995 Mr. Middleton approached Stephens Inc. is unclear.
Stephens officials say he first called his brother Larry Middleton, who works in Stephens' capital-management division.
Stephens officials say Larry Middleton doesn't recall his brother mentioning anything about Taiwan looking to do business with a friend of the president.
Mr. Luskin says, "Mark simply thought that this might be an opportunity to get some business to his brother."
Next, Mark Middleton called Mr. Bradbury and suggested he meet with the bank's governor, Mr. Sheu, to discuss the idea.
Mr. Bradbury says he was dubious because he considered the idea unusual and "out of the blue."
Central banks occasionally parcel out small portions of their reserves to outside managers, but usually they manage reserves in-house. The vast majority of the Taiwan's approximately $90 billion in foreign-exchange reserves is managed in-house.
People with inside knowledge say a small portion of the Taiwan bank's portfolio is managed by a handful of outside brokers, including Goldman, Sachs & Co.
Some experts say the proposed deal with Stephens was unusual because the amount of money involved is tiny for a large central bank. Moreover, these experts considered it odd that, absent some other motive,
Taiwan's bank would go to a large regional firm that isn't a big player in the government-bond market rather than a Wall Street house. "That strikes me as an extremely unusual and odd sort of transaction," says Lou Crandall, chief economist with R.H. Wrightson & Associates Inc., a bond-market research firm.
Mr. Bradbury discussed the idea with Warren Stephens, the company's president, and both decided against pursuing it, Stephens officials say.
They add the principal reason for rejecting the idea was the political nature of Mr. Middleton's initial approach, which they say Mr. Bradbury "clearly recalls." Mr. Bradbury informed Mr. Middleton of the decision.
Apparently, however, some at Stephens didn't get the message and continued pursuing the matter. Mr. Bradbury was annoyed to find out months later that it was still under consideration and moved to kill it once and for all.
The result was an extraordinary April 23, 1996, letter from Mr. Stephens to Mr. Sheu explaining why his company wasn't interested in the deal: It might be seen by some as "an attempt to influence U.S. policy toward Taiwan and perhaps China," he wrote, adding: "I'm sure this seems far-fetched to you, but I believe it could actually happen."
--Marcus W. Brauchli in Shanghai and
Leslie Chang in Taipei contributed to this
article.
https://groups.google.com/g/alt.impeach.clinton/c/u3TAhvOMWng/m/a_jAXXaoWeUJ
Now for a history review. Notes from various sources presented as Timeline
A key source is Whitney Webb at
https://unlimitedhangout.com/
https://www.mintpressnews.com/genesis-jeffrey-epstein-bill-clinton-relationship/261455/
Family of Secrets-Russ Baker
1978, Clinton entered the Arkansas gubernatorial primary. At just 31 years old, he was one of the youngest gubernatorial candidates in the state's history.
Clinton was elected Governor of Arkansas in 1978, having defeated the Republican candidate Lynn Lowe, a farmer from Texarkana. Clinton was only 32 years old when he took office, the youngest governor in the country at the time
1978-Ex CIA Bill Barr took up the representation of B.F. Saul II, a Maryland real estate magnate who only a few months earlier had become chairman of Financial General Bankshares. In his later testimony to the Senate hearings on his confirmation for Justice Department posts, Barr revealed that he had represented B.F. Saul beginning November 1978, and in 1979, 1981, and 1982 when BCCI acquired FGB
This was an extraordinarily important stretch of time in his client's life. During this period, Financial General was taken over in stages by BCCI, a London-based bank with Arab and other principal investors tied to Anglo-American intelligence.
Saul's Financial General Bankshares changed its name to First American Bankshares, and functioned as the Maryland, District of Columbia, and Virginia arm of the British spook-bank BCCI
BCCI took clandestine control in three American banks: First American Bankshares in Washington, National Bank of Georgia (later purchased by First American) and Independence Bank of Encino, California.
The First American takeover was assisted by Jackson Stephens, head of a powerful Little Rock investment firm and husband of the Bush for President 1988 campaign manager in Arkansas.
Mr. Stephens has been the rainmaker in many of the Bushes’ political and financial enterprises. In 1991, he donated $100,000 to the elder Bush’s campaign fundraising dinner and when George W. Bush was awarded the Florida election in 2000, Jack Stephens made another substantial contribution.
The former president told Stephens, “Jack, we love you and we are very, very grateful for what you have done.” This remark coincided with a $25 million investment from the Union des Banques Suisses, the Swiss Bank that held the minority interest in the Geneva-based subsidiary of BCCI. Both Stephens and a Saudi real estate investor signed the financial transaction, which was never to be repaid.
Stephens was also a major Funder in Clintons 1992 Election Campaign
Coincidentally, Jack Stephens owned a major office complex within walking distance of the Venice, Florida, airport where Mohamed Atta, Marwan al Shehhi and Ziad Jarrah trained for the 9/11 mission.
Iran-Contra reached fruition from 1984 to 1986.
Compelling evidence shows the covert crime spree was under the direction of Vice President Bush (although Bush denied it, most famously during an interview with CBS Anchor Dan Rather).
Oliver North worked closely with Bush's team, which maintained plausible deniability even while other evidence amassed of massive drug-running and arms-smuggling
Mena, Arkansas was where Barry Seal was particularly active until he was gunned down in 1986.
The operation was only partly to benefit the right-wing "Contras" in their CIA-assisted military activities against left-wing officials. Besides narcotics and arms smuggling, other purposes of Iran-Contra criminality are reported to have included massive financial frauds involving major officials and banks, with taxpayers and gullible investors absorbing what Martin estimated as $350 billion in losses.
1977-Senate Governmental Affairs Committee began poking into the financial affairs of Bert Lance, whom Carter had appointed director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB).
Shortly after Labor Day 1977, Lance resigned as director of the Office of Management and Budget. He was out of work and nearly broke—and susceptible to being compromised further.
It was at this time that he was introduced to Agha Hassan Abedi, the Pakistani who headed BCCI. Abedi ostensibly wanted to use Bert Lance as a front man for acquiring a banking operation in the United States, something foreigners then could generally not do under U.S. law.
In November 1977, just three months after the group of which he was part purchased Main Bank of Houston, the charming, gift-bearing Ghaith Pharaon, now a business partner of Jim Bath, came into the harried life of Bert Lance.
The matchmaker was none other than Agha Hassan Abedi. In what was to transpire, Pharaon’s true function became apparent: he was essentially a front for BCCI.
Abedi explained to Lance that Pharaon was interested in buying Lance’s bank stock—which Pharaon, unlike Abedi, could do because he had already been approved by American regulators and had already acquired substantial interests in domestic banking. Lance,
Lance, who was deeply in debt, agreed enthusiastically, and Pharaon bought out his shares in the National Bank of Georgia at a 25 percent premium over market value.
Washington-based Financial General Bankshares (FGB), shareholders told Lance they were looking for a bank to acquire their FGB stock. In retrospect, this all seems a little too neat.
Lance was now essentially the possibly unwitting midwife for both the entry of the criminal bank BCCI into the United States and its assumption of the CIA-connected banking activities previously handled by FGB.
1979-The newly formed group some refer to as the “Enterprise “ was a cluster of private intelligence organizations (PIOs) and private military firms (PMFs). These were staffed by former CIA and Pentagon officers who saw themselves as Paladins of the Cold War. Many PIOs and PMFs got their start in the 1970s during shakeups at the CIA.
They mushroomed in the 1980s after Jimmy Carter stirred up the anthill, and strongly motivated men had to continue their careers elsewhere.
The Enterprise grew into a powerful and influential network during the late 1980s. Although they were now private citizens, these men continued to have close ties to serving military officers, to top men in the CIA and the armed services.
This overlap made it nearly impossible to distinguish between official U.S. Government operations and those that had private objectives. This was especially true because so many of these individuals had long experience in covert operations, deception, and the clandestine use of government resources and secret funds.
They were accustomed to working with CIA proprietaries that had every appearance of being legitimate companies in private industry but were actually Trojan Horses for the intelligence community and, by extension, for the armed forces.
In fact, some of the PMFs were little more than fronts set up so that generals, admirals, and former spooks could continue to draw salaries and pensions as if they had never left government service.
Many CIA agents spent years or even decades under various covers, so it was hard to establish beyond any doubt whether they ever left the Agency, or merely went underground.
Under Presidents Reagan and Bush, the PIOs and PMFs multiplied and deployed as a virtual private extension of the White House.
To this day, leaders of The Enterprise and advocates of PMFs insist that the White House needs a private clandestine service run by experienced intelligence officers turned entrepreneurs.
Accordingly, PMFs were involved in South Africa, Angola, Colombia, Croatia, Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Sierra Leone, to name only a few. When not engaged by the White House, they work under contract to regimes whose human rights record is as bad as it gets.
The Vinnel Corporation, PMF subsidiary of Dick Cheney’s Haliburton, worked with the army dictatorship in Myanmar, which has one of the worst human rights records on the planet. Some of their motives are of questionable constitutionality.
The Enterprise network used recovered Japanese war loot to set up a private FBI-style security force to police the American public, and a separate military-industrial complex
1984- , Brown testified in a 1995 court case that he was contacted by the CIA in October 1984 and instructed to meet with Barry Seal at the Cajun Wharf restaurant outside Little Rock.
L.D. Brown’s had applied for a position with the Agency in 1984 with Clintons help.At the meeting, Seal asked Brown to fly with him on a mission to Central America. Brown testified that he and Seal left Mena airport on October 23 in Seal’s C-123K transport, dropped cartons of M-16s over Contra base camps and landed for refueling at an airstrip in Honduras.
There, Brown Said, he saw Seal take on board more than a dozen duffel bags, which were kicked out of the plane over fields near Mena on the return flight. Brown later learned these bags were filled with cocaine.
After two more of these flights, Brown says he confronted Clinton about Seal’s operation. Clinton, Brown testified, didn’t seem surprised, telling the trooper, who was an admirer of George Bush, “Your hero Bush knows about it.”
Of the cocaine coming into Mena, Brown testified that Clinton snapped, “That’s Lasater’s deal.” The reference appears to have been to long-time Clinton intimate Dan Lasater, the Little Rock-based bond magnate who was on of the governor’s biggest campaign contributors.
Lasater had also been convicted of distributing cocaine and was suspected, according to Roger Morris’s account, of using his deals with ADFA to launder some of his drug profits.
Another familiar name on the ADFA bond issues was the now-defunct Lasater and Co. Dan Lasater, who headed the company, is a long-time friend of Clinton and his brother, Roger. Both Roger Clinton and Lasater were convicted on cocaine charges.
1985- Foster was at the Rose Law Firm as a high-level marketing guy between Systematics and the NSA. NSA has all these spooky contracts that they are trying to find contractors for and Foster would have been sort of a go-between them.
1985- Arkansas was an important staging post in the Contra War against Nicaragua being run from Washington. One scheme for maintaining a cover-up for Oliver North’s network was, it appears, played out in the Governor’s Mansion in Little Rock, Arkansas occupied by a young Bill Clinton.
Arkansas’s role in the Contra War and in an arms-for-drugs supply network goes back to the early 1980s and the airport at Mena.
A federal investigation aided by the Arkansas State Police established that Barry Seal had his planes refitted at Mena for drug drops, trained pilots there and laundered his profits partly through financial institutions in Arkansas. Seal at this time was in close contact with North, who acknowledged the relationship in his notebooks and his memoir.
Among those recruited by North was-so the man subsequently asserted in court papers-Terry Reed, formerly with Air America in Thailand. Reed says he was working for North in 1983.
North put Reed in touch with a Seal, and by 1984 Reed had established a base at the hamlet of Nella, ten miles north of Mena in Ouachita National Forest.
There Nicaraguan Contras and other recruits from Latin America were trained in resupply missions, night landings, precision airdrops and similar maneuvers.
Reed, familiar with the commercial affairs of Mena, asserts that large sums of drug money were being laundered through leading Arkansas bond brokers, an allegation also being considered by a federal investigator just as his researches were abruptly terminated.
1985- At a crucial stage in the Contra War, Governor Bill Clinton’s personal creation, the Arkansas Development Finance Authority, made its first industrial development loan.
The recipient of the loan was Park on Meter, Inc., or POM, a parking meter manufacturer based in Russellville, Arkansas.
The crux of ADFA’s mission was to offer companies long-term loans financed through the sale of tax-exempt bonds. Companies in need of capital would come to ADFA, which in turn arranged for the issuance of a bond from a private bondholder, which ADFA then offered for sale. (The state of Arkansas did not guarantee these bonds, but by virtue of ADFA’s involvement the bonds receive tax-free status.)
When the bonds were sold, ADFA delivered the indenture and a record of the bond owners to a bank, which became the trustee of the deal. ADFA thus served as a kind of middleman in a deal between the trustee and the companies.
The trustee was responsible for collecting the payments on the loan and interest and was also responsible for paying out dividends and ultimately the principal to the bond holders. In turn, the trustee bank was allowed to invest the money it got from the bond issue in Treasury bills, CDs, money market accounts, or even time deposit accounts at other banks.
The trustee had huge latitude in deciding where to invest these funds.
According to ADFA’s standard contract the trustee was limited only by the stipulation that wherever the money was invested, it had to be guaranteed by the US government in some way. However, this stipulation was not always honored. There are records of a deal in which a trustee invested in Fuji Bank’s Grand Cayman Islands branch, a favorite depository of drug dealers.
Many of the beneficiaries of ADFA deals bore the aroma of Clinton’s inner circle.
This ADFA was at the center of financial dealings in which large amounts of money could be moved around easily and, it would seem, discreetly. Because ADFA was not subject to legislative oversight- being solely within the purview of the governor’s office- and because of the loose strictures upon the trustee bank, it also opened the gate for questionable, possibly illicit financial dealings.
Bill Duncan explained, theoretically, bonds could be issued to provide a loan to a company involved in laundering drug profits. That loan represented clean money. The loan could in turn be paid back with drug profits, slowly over time and in small increments. In this way drug money could be successfully filtered into the legitimate financial system.
Thus, in effect, ADFA could serve as a washing machine – dirty money could be cleaned simply by passing through its system. Duncan suggested that it would also be possible for ADFA clients never to repay a loan and for the money simply to be circulated through the trustee’s investment end of the arrangement.
Among underwriters of the agency’s bond issues, Stephen’s INC. featured prominently.
POM was under secret contract to make components of prototype chemical and biological weapons for use by the Contras, as well as special equipment for C-130 transport planes.
Such planes were at that time ferrying drugs and weapons in and out of Mena, which is just a few miles away in western Arkansas.
Clinton’s state was thus an important link in the Contra supply chain at a time when military aid to the Contras had been banned by Congress.
About a mile north of the airport in Russellville on Highway 331 sits POM’S headquarters and factory in a low building made of corrugated metal. POM began making parking meters at this site in 1976.
Except for some superficial alterations, its premises are the same ones once owned and occupied by defense giant Rockwell International. Back when POM took over the site from Rockwell, its property covered a little more than thirty-six acres.
POM was not merely in the business of making parking meters . In 1981, the company also made ferry drop tanks-external fuel canisters- for use on C-130s. Drop tanks are essentially nothing more that aerodynamic metal containers, well within the production capabilities of a company set up to make parking meters. These tanks, attached to pylons on the wings and jettisoned when empty, are necessary to fuel long-range transport missions. While standard on C-130s and other military aircraft, they are virtually unknown in civilian use.
POM was enlisted in a project with the Stormont labs of Woodland, California, and the Wackenhut Corporation to develop chemical and biological weapons that could be deployed in guerrilla warfare. POM was assigned the task of producing the munitions themselves.
The Army Chemical unit had an arrangement to provide POM with chemical agents once the prototypes had become advanced enough for testing. These prototypes were meant to be fairly simple devices-a hand-held grenade, a mortar shell, a small bomb – all of which could have been produced with the machinery on hand at POM.
Stormont confirmed in 1992 that in the early 1980s it was approached by Wackenhut in connection with the development of biological weapons, but denied that anything went beyond the talking stage. Wackenhut denied any involvement with Stormont, POM or Riconosciuto.
“Skeeter” Ward is the brother-in-law of Webster Hubbell, Clinton’s disgraced assistant attorney general. POM was founded by Seth Ward Sr., the father of Hubbell’s wife, Suzie.
While an attorney at Rose Law firm, Hubbell had shepherded POM’s application to become the first company to receive an industrial development loan from the Arkansas Development Finance Authority. This loan for $2.75 million was rushed to completion in the closing hours of 1985.
1986-According to Terry Reed in his book Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA, co-written with John Cummings, a hushed meeting was held in a bunker at Camp Robinson in North Little Rock, Arkansas. During the meeting, William Barr, who represented himself as the emissary of then-CIA Director Bill Casey told Clinton:
“The deal we made was to launder our money through your bond business but what we didn’t plan on was you and your n****r here start taking yourselves seriously and purposely shrinking our laundry.”
Barr chastised Clinton for his sloppy handling of the delicate operation and his half-brother’s very public fall from grace. He would later tell Clinton, according to Reed,
“Bill, you are Mr. Casey’s fair-haired boy … You and your state have been our greatest asset. Mr. Casey wanted me to pass on to you that unless you fuck up and do something stupid, you’re No. 1 on the short list for a shot at the job that you’ve always wanted. You and guys like you are the fathers of the new government. We are the new covenant.”
Attempts to investigate Clinton’s role in the Mena operations and more broadly in the Iran-Contra affair were allegedly axed by Clinton’s own confidantes, who consistently denied he played a role in the scandal.
1986- One of Reed’s contacts in North’s network was William Cooper, another Air America veteran then working for Southern Air Transport. Cooper was at the controls of the C-123K once owned by Seal that was shot down by a Sandinista soldier in October 1986. That plane had been serviced at Mena. Cooper died in the crash. His crewman, Eugene Hasenfus, survived.
Three months before his assassination Barry Seal described in sworn testimony to federal and state investigators a nexus of airstrips, front corporations, “legitimate” Arkansas companies and banks participating in the shipment of drugs and laundering of drug profits. When he was killed, one important path toward uncovering the Contra resupply operation in Arkansas turned cold.
Where the money trail ultimately led, the investigators never were able to discover fully because their investigation was abruptly halted. One alleged money launderer, conspicuous in Arkansas’s politico-financial world and profitably involved in state business, was- according to a source whose information had proved reliable in the past in receipt of large sums of drug money from Seal.
Duncan and Welch eventually prepared a 3,000-page file on Mena, documenting wide spread money laundering and drug running.
1986,a C-123cargoplane operated by Southern Air Transport was shot down over Nicaragua by Sandinista military action as the plane was flying weapons to the Contras .
North flew to EI Salvador to supervise the coverup. Assistant Secretary of State Elliott Abrams tried to get right-wing Gen. Jack Singlaub to say that the Hasenfus flight was part of Singlaub's Contra aid operations. Deputy Attorney General Stephen Trott, now a federal judge, told FBI Director William Webster (now CIA .. director) and Webster ' s deputy Oliver Revell to "delay" the investigation of Southem Air Transport.
At the same time, Admiral Poindexter of the NSC made the same request of Attorney General Edwin Meese: to "delay" the investigation of Southern Air Transport because the airline was involved in "sensitive missions" in the Middle East, obviously including running arms to Khomeini . All of this gave Gregg and others in Bush's office the chance to cov,er their tracks.
One typical operation of these networks was Air America, the CIA proprietary airline that transported drugs in Laos and the rest of Indochina during the Vietnam war era . A surprisingly large number of the pilots who carried out Iran-Contra deliveries during recent years are veterans of Air America.
That capability is still around in the form of Southern Air Transport, the CIA airline that delivered arms to the Contras, and Contra drug shipments into the United States. The Contras themselves are best seen as yet another drug-trafficking permutation ofthe CIA old boys' networks.
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1987. Junior and other Harken officials met with Jackson Stephens, head of Stephens, Inc., a large investment bank in Little Rock, Arkansas (Stephens made a $100,000 contribution to the Reagan-Bush campaign in 1980 and gave another $100,000 to the Bush dinner committee in 1990 and would donate to Clintons campaign in 1992)
Stephens made arrangements with Union Bank of Switzerland (UBS) to provide $25 million to Harken in return for a stock interest in Harken. As part of the Stephens-brokered deal, Sheikh Abdullah Bakhsh, a Saudi real estate tycoon and financier, joined Harken's board as a major investor. Stephens, UBS, and Bakhsh each have ties to the scandal-ridden Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI).
It was Stephens who suggested in the late 1970s that BCCI purchase what became First American Bankshares in Washington, D.C. BCCI later acquired First American's predecessor, Financial General Bankshares.
At the time of the Harken investment, UBS was a joint-venture partner with BCCI in a bank in Geneva, Switzerland. Bakhsh has been an investment partner in Saudi Arabia with Gaith Pharoan, identified by the U.S. Federal Reserve Board as a "front man" for BCCI's secret acquisitions of U.S. banks.
1987-Bear Stearns Alan Greenberg, hired Epstein in 1978 immediately after the latter was fired from the Dalton School — and Donald Trump, another friend of Lauder and Greenberg who began his friendship with Epstein in 1987, the same year the fake Austrian passport was issued while Lauder was Ambassador to Austria
In 1987, Epstein also began his relationship with his principal financier, Leslie Wexner, who is also closely associated with Lauder (though some sources claim that Epstein and Wexner first met in 1985 but that their strong business relationship was not established until 1987).
Trump bought into the mafia owned /CIA connected Resort International in 1987 and made a curious trip to Moscow and then hooked up with Stone/Manafort for advice on a political career and took out ad spewing America First ideas the same year.
Lauder co-founded the Eastern European broadcasting network CETV with Mark Palmer, a former U.S. diplomat, Kissinger aide and Reagan speechwriter. Palmer is better known for co-founding the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), an organization often described as an accessory to U.S. intelligence, and one whose first president confessed to the Washington Post that “a lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA.”
A 2001 report in the Evening Standard noted that Epstein once claimed that during the 1980s he worked for the CIA, but Epstein later backed away from that assertion.
1988/1989- Justice Department’s Operation Greenback. Clinton received petitions from Arkansas citizens demanding that he convene a state grand jury and continue the investigation. Winston Bryant made Mena an issue in his successful campaign for attorney general in 1990.
A year later Bryant turned over the state files involving Mena, along with petitions from 1,000 citizens, to Iran/Contra prosecutor Lawrence Walsh.
Later that year, on August 12, 1991, Clinton’s adviser on criminal justice wrote to a concerned citizen to say that Clinton understood the matter of criminal activity in Mena was being studied by Bryant, Walsh and Arkansas Representative Bill Alexander.
Yet with all this knowledge Clinton did nothing. The state attorney general did not have the power to conduct an investigation, but the state prosecutors did. When Charles Black urged Clinton to allocate funds for such an investigation, Clinton refused his request. The Arkansas State Police were taken off the case their files shredded.
1988 the Arkansas State Police began shredding its Mena files, including all documents linking Oliver North to Seal and Seal’s associate Terry Reed.
There is every indication that many of the illicit activities linking intelligence agencies to drug traffickers continued into the 1990s. A report from the fall of 1991 notes that the “CIA has ongoing operations out of Mena, Arkansas airport…one of the operations at the airport is laundering money.”
1988- The U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs reported that members of the State Department who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking, and elements of the Contras themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers.”
1988 October Executives of BCCI were indicted on charges they conspired with cocaine traffickers to launder millions of dollars in narcotics profits.Forty U.S.and foreign banks, evidently complicit in the international drug trade, were sub poenaed to produce records before a Tampa, Florida grand jury.
BCCI was further exposed as an instrument for the transactions of Oliver North and his associates, who had been criminally employed by Vice President George Bush in the Iran and Contra operations.
Recently a former high-level U.S. government official with intimate knowledge of the BCCI case told EIR that the Reagan-Bush-era CIA had initiated the bank's trafficking in drugs and arms. This source said that the CIA had assured BCCI associates that these practices were in accord with U.S. national security. Here was the operation of the Bush "Special Situation" executive, briefly thrown into public view with the BCCI indictments
The records of at least 40 banks were subpoenaed in connection with BCCI's drug-money laundering, including Bank of America, which helped finance the founding of BCCl's start-up company, and at one point owned 30% of BCCI.
Customs agents scrutinized Bank of America ac counts used by people linked to Roberto Alcaino, a Colom bian arrested in 1988 in New York on cocaine-smuggling charges. Alcaino was named in BCCI indictments as "a major trafficker" of cocaine to New York, Los Angeles, and Chica go. Executives of BCCI allegedly helped him launder his profits.
Other major banks targeted by the federal probe included:
Marine Midland Bank, since 1978 owned by the Hong kong and Shanghai Banking Corp., so notorious since the British Opium Wars of the nineteenth century as a drug bank, that the New York State Banking Commission blocked its buyout of Marine Midland;
Republic National Bank, the New York City flagship firm of Israeli mafia figure Edmond Safra, whose banking empire stretches from the eastern Mediterranean to lbero America;
Bank of Nova Scotia, the Canadian banking giant, which was identified in EIR's Dope, Inc. as the institution that opened up the Caribbean as an offshore money-laundering center,in collusion with the Meyer Lansky syndicate;Another Florida bank subpoenaed,Dadeland Bank, was owned by a group of anti-Noriega Panamanians.
1989- The billionaire Les Wexner gives Epstein power of attorney over his money. wow
1989- Stephens, Inc. played a role in the Bush-Harken deal with Bahrain as well. Former Stephens bankers David and Mike Edwards contacted Michael Ameen, the former chief of Mobil Oil's Middle East operations, when Bahrain broke off 1989 talks with Amoco for a gas and oil exploration contract. The Edwardses recommended Harken for the job and urged Ameen to get in touch with Bahrain, which he did.
"In the midst of Harken's talks with Bahrain, Ameen- simultaneously working as a State Department consultant-briefed the incoming U.S. ambassador in Bahrain, Charles Hostler," the Wall Street Journal noted, adding that Hostler, a San Diego real estate investor, was a $100,000 contributor to the Republican Party.
Harken lacked sufficient financing to explore off the coast of Bahrain so it brought in Bass Enterprises Production Company of Fort Worth, Texas, as a partner.
1989-Bill Clinton becomes member of Trilateral Commission
1990 June 22, George Jr. sold two-thirds of his Harken stock for $848,560-a cool 200 percent profit. The move was well timed. One week after Junior sold his stock, Harken announced a $23.2 million loss in quarterly earnings and Harken stock dropped sharply, losing 60 percent of its value over the next six months.
On August 2, 1990, Iraqi troops moved into Kuwait and 541,000 U.S. forces were deployed to the Gulf.
"There is substantial evidence to suggest that Bush knew Harken was in dire straits in the weeks before he sold the $848,560 of Harken stock," asserted U.S. News & World Report.
The magazine noted Harken appointed Junior to a "fairness committee" to study possible economic restructuring of the company. Junior worked closely with financial advisers from Smith Barney, Harris Upham & Company, who concluded "only drastic action could save Harken."
George "Jr."[George W.] also violated Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) regulations which require "insider" stock deals to be reported promptly, in Bush's case by July 10, 1990. He didn't file the stock sale with the SEC until the first week of March 19, 1991
1991 Bill Clinton attended the Bilderberg meeting in Baden Baden Germany to decide in the fate of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union
1991- TIME MAGAZINE ARTICLE JUNE 29, 1991 “Nothing in the history of modern financial scandals rivals the unfolding saga of the Bank of Credit & Commerce International, the $20 billion rogue empire that regulators in 62 countries shut down early this month in a stunning global sweep.
—Never has a single scandal involved so much money, so many nations or so many prominent people. Superlatives are quickly exhausted: it is the largest corporate criminal enterprise ever, the biggest Ponzi scheme, the most pervasive money-laundering operation and financial supermarket ever created for the likes of Manuel Noriega, Ferdinand Marcos, Saddam Hussein and the Colombian drug barons.
BCCI even accomplished a stealth-like invasion of the U.S. banking industry by secretly buying First American Bankshares, a Washington-based holding company, whose chairman is a former U.S. Defense Secretary. —
But BCCI is more than just a criminal bank. Time has pieced together a portrait of a clandestine division of the bank called the “black network,” which functions as a global intelligence operation and a Mafia-like enforcement squad … (which) has used sophisticated spy equipment and techniques, along with bribery, extortion, kidnapping and even, by some accounts, murder. The black network – so named by its own members – stops at almost nothing to further the bank’s aims the world over.
—The more conventional departments of BCCI handled such services as laundering money for the drug trade and helping dictators loot their national treasuries. The black network, which is still functioning, operates a lucrative arms-trade business and transports drugs and gold. —According to investigators and participants in those operations, it often works with Western and Middle Eastern intelligence agencies. The strange and still murky ties between BCCI and the intelligence agencies of several countries are so pervasive that even the White House has become entangled. —
The National Security Council used BCCI to funnel money for the Iran-Contra deals, and the CIA maintained accounts in BCCI for covert operations. Moreover, investigators have told Time that the Defense Intelligence Agency has maintained a slush-fund account with BCCI, apparently to pay for clandestine activities.” —
But the CIA may have used BCCI as more than an undercover banker: U.S. agents collaborated with the black network in several operations, according to a BCCI black-network “officer,” who is now a secret U.S. government witness. Sources have told investigators that BCCI worked closely with Israel’s spy agencies and other Western intelligence groups as well, especially in arms deals. The bank also maintained cozy relationships with international terrorists, say investigators. —
In the U.S. investigators now say openly that the Justice Department has not only reined in its own probe of the bank, but is also part of a concerted campaign to derail any full investigation. Says Robert Morgenthau, the Manhattan district attorney who first launched his investigations into BCCI two years ago: “We have had no cooperation from the Justice Department since we first asked for records in March 1990. In fact, they are impeding our investigation, and Justice Department representatives are asking witnesses not to cooperate with us.”
The chief of the Justice Department’s white collar crime criminal division under former President Bush was our friend Robert Mueller, who was appointed by President George W. Bush as the director of the FBI on September 4, 2001, one week before 9/11.
—Billions of dollars were vanishing. At the highest levels, BCCI officials whisked deposits into secret accounts in the Cayman Islands. —These accounts constituted a hidden bank within BCCI, known only to founder Abedi and a few others. From those accounts, BCCI would lend massive amounts to curry favor with governments … or to buy secret control of companies.
1992, just months before joining the Clinton Treasury, Summers had been chief economist at the World Bank. There, Summers had named his former Harvard student Shleifer, a Russian-born American citizen, as World Bank “adviser” to the Yeltsin government.
Soon after Summers became Deputy Secretary of the Treasury in the Clinton administration in early 1993, Shleifer would join Jeffrey Sachs’s HIID in Moscow as Project Director.
1992 US election victory of Bill Clinton, Larry Summers, the new US Treasury deputy secretary responsible for Russian “reform”—himself a former Harvard economics professor—brought a group of his former Harvard colleagues, including George Soros’s Polish shock therapy adviser, Jeffrey Sachs, and economics professor Andrei Shleifer to Moscow under the auspices of their Harvard Institute for International Development (HIID).
That Sachs–Shleifer–Summers triangle essentially orchestrated all key aspects in the implementation of the Gaidar–Chubais “shock therapy” in the early Yeltsin years.
1992-The company’s chairman, Jackson Stephens, and his son Warren helped Clinton raise more than $100,000 for his campaign. In January of that year, the bank Stephens has a controlling interest in, Worthen National, extended to Clinton a $2 million line of credit.
The name of the Worthen bank, represented by Hillary’s Rodham Clinton’s Rose Law firm on several occasions, appeared among institutions that have from time to time had liens on POM.
1992 Barr had started the Justice Department's internal investigation of the FBI director sessions over trivial issues.
Sessions, is a native of Fort Smith, Arkansas. He was a former federal judge nominated by Republican presidents to high-ranking federal posts, including as a federal prosecutor and federal judge in the Western District of Texas before his appointment by President Reagan to lead the FBI.
Sessions FBI was probing drug-running via Mena and related money laundering via BCCI that implicated the Bush and Clinton networks, and Barr himself in various ways, including a purported 1980s money laundering relationship with Vince Foster, a partner with Hillary Clinton at the Rose Law Firm in Little Rock.
Sessions was forced to resign in early 1993 by the incoming Clinton Administration, including its Attorney General Janet Reno.
Foster, by then White House deputy counsel during the first six months Clinton Administration, was found dead that summer in a Northern Virginia park in a purported suicide that has long raised questions among independent investigators about the official story.
1993-Hoffenberg hired Jeffrey Epstein in 1987 to help with the Towers Financial Corporation. Hoffenberg set Epstein up in offices in the Villard Houses in Manhattan, and paid him $25,000 ($56,000 in current dollar terms) per month for his consulting work.
They unsuccessfully tried to take over Pan Am in a corporate raid with Towers Financial as their raiding vessel. Their bid failed, in part because of the 1988 terrorist bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, which ultimately contributed to the airline's bankruptcy. A similar unsuccessful bid in 1988 was made to take over Emery Air Freight Corp
Between 1988 and 1993, Towers Financial raised over $400 million by selling bonds and promissory notes to investors, luring them in using false financial statements. Hoffenberg and his associates then used the money they had raised to pay operating costs, repay earlier investors, and to pay themselves.
Hoffenberg began using Towers Financial funds to pay for a lavish lifestyle that included a Locust Valley, Long Island mansion, homes on Sutton Place in Manhattan and in Florida, and a number of cars and planes. The Ponzi scheme was the largest financial fraud in American history prior to Bernie Madoff's being uncovered.
In March 1993, Towers Financial filed for bankruptcy protection under Chapter 11 of the United States Bankruptcy Code.
Hoffenberg pleaded guilty in April 1995 to five criminal charges, cheating thousands of investors out of $462 million, surrendered to the FBI in Manhattan, and was arraigned and released on bail.
He was sentenced in 1997 by federal judge Robert W. Sweet to 20 years in prison, and was released in 2013, after serving 18 years. He was also sentenced to pay restitution of $462 million ($736,000,000 in current dollar terms) and a $1 million fine.
Epstein was not charged by the Feds. Perhaps his relationship with Clinton and intelligence protected him?. In July 2019, Hoffenberg claimed that Epstein was his “uncharged co-conspirator” in the Ponzi scheme.
Epstein went on with his jet-set parties, and also set up a Caribbean-based hedge fund, which Hoffenberg has since alleged that Epstein “created entirely with all of the fraudulently acquired money from Towers.”
1993- CIA had been surveilling Swiss accounts for a while with the help of PROMIS software, and when Foster on July 1, 1993, bought a ticket to Geneva, a round-trip one-day ticket to Geneva, these guys said, "Oops, he's going to take the money. We're going to beat him to it." And, they went in. They hacked their way into the bank and obtained the necessary authorization codes on this coded account for which no signature is required to withdraw money, by the way.
They raid his account. They take out $2.73 million. Foster apparently calls up the bank to let them know he was coming. They say, "Oh, Vince don't you know you took the money out already?" Boing... that's when he found out he was under investigation. That's when he got so mysteriously depressed. He knew he was under surveillance, or he knew he was under investigation.
Foster and his wife, Lisa, go down to the eastern shore of Maryland for a getaway weekend, and then, by coincidence, they meet Hubbell and his wife down there. He leaned on Vince to cop a plea, go quietly, or shut up and don't talk about it. There was actually a huge payment made to an account held by Lisa Foster, with more than $286,000, on the Friday before that meeting. Then he dies
1993-According to the New Yorker, Lynn Forester de Rothschild requested “financial help” from none other than Jeffrey Epstein in 1993 during her divorce from Andrew Stein.
As far as Forester de Rothschild’s ties to the Mega Group go, she was on the board of directors of Estee Lauder companies, which was founded and is still owned by the family of Ronald Lauder — a member of the Mega Group, a former Reagan official, a family friend of Roy Cohn, and the alleged source of Jeffrey Epstein’s now-infamous Austrian passport.
In addition, Forester de Rothschild also partnered with Matthew Bronfman — son of Mega Group member Edgar Bronfman and grandson of Samuel Bronfman, who had close ties to Meyer Lansky — in creating the investment advisory firm Bronfman E.L. Rothschild LP.
1993-. Records obtained by the Daily Beast revealed that Epstein had donated $10,000 to the White House Historical Association and attended a Clinton donor reception alongside Ghislaine Maxwell as early as 1993.
The Daily Beast suggests that Bill Clinton’s long-time friend from his college days, A. Paul Prosperi, was the facilitator of that early relationship, as Prosperi had a decades-long relationship with Epstein and even visited Epstein at least 20 times while he was in jail in 2008.
Prosperi was intimately involved with the 1993 fundraiser for the White House Historical Association noted above.
The relationship between Epstein and Clinton would continue well after Clinton left office in 2001, a fact well-documented by Bill Clinton’s now-infamous flights on Epstein’s (recently sold) private jet — often referred to as the “Lolita Express.” Clinton flew on the Lolita Express no less than 26 times in the early 2000s according to flight logs.
On some of those flights, Clinton was accompanied by his Secret Service detail but he was unaccompanied on other flights.
Arguably the most infamous flight taken by Clinton on Epstein’s jet was a lengthy trip to Africa, where actor Kevin Spacey, who has also been accused of raping minors; Ghislaine Maxwell; and Ron Burkle, a billionaire friend of Clinton’s who has been accused ofsoliciting the services of “super-high-end call girls,” were also present.
Clinton specifically requested that Epstein make his jet available for the trip well in advance, with Doug Band as the intermediary.
President Donald Trump, also a friend of Epstein, is said to have flown on the plane but appears only once on flight logs.
In addition to flights, an Epstein-run foundation gave $25,000 to the Clinton Foundation according to the 2006 filing tax return of Epstein’s former charity, the C.O.U.Q. Foundation.
Notably, Epstein’s lawyers, Alan Dershowitz among them, claimed in 2007 that Epstein had been “part of the original group that conceived the Clinton Global Initiative, which is described as a project ‘bringing together a community of global leaders to devise and implement innovative solutions to some of the world’s most pressing challenges.’”
1993-Robert Rubin began his career as an attorney at the firm of Cleary, Gottlieb, Steen & Hamilton in New York City which represents many banks in NYC.
He joined Goldman Sachs in 1966 as an associate in the risk arbitrage department and became a general partner in 1971. Rubin then joined the management committee in 1980 along with Jon Corzine of MF Global fame. Robert Rubin then became Vice Chairman and Co-Chief Operating Officer from 1987 to 1990. Rubin then served as Co-Chairman and Co-Senior Partner along with Stephen Friedman from 1990 to 1992.
Within less than two years from the Salomon Brothers manipulation, Robert Rubin took a position in the Clinton Administration. Following the Salomon Brothers scandal, Goldman Sachs began to make large political donations.
From January 25, 1993, to January 10, 1995, Rubin served in the White House as Assistant to the President for Economic Policy. In that capacity, he directed the National Economic Council, which Bill Clinton created after winning the presidency.
Robert Rubin then became the 70th United States Secretary of the Treasury on January 11, 1995, until he managed to get Glass Stegall repealed.
He left the Treasury on July 2, 1999 just as the Dot.Com bubble was about to pop
1993. The key person at the Treasury for the ensuing Gaidar–Chubais looting of Yeltsin’s Russia was a former Harvard economist named Larry Summers.
Summers used the powerful influence of the US Treasury to funnel International Monetary Fund (IMF) dollars to the cash-hungry Yeltsin government, advising Yeltsin and Gaidar that Russia must open to unrestricted imports if they wanted to receive the IMF and other Western loans.
1994-In June, the CEO of Loral Space and Communications, Bernard Schwartz, made a $100,000 contribution to the Democratic National Committee. He then joined a Ron Brown trip to China that led to a $250 million telecommunications deal for Loral’s satellites to be launched by Chinese rockets [in violation of US law at the time].
In October 1994, Clinton lifted the sanctions he had imposed on China for selling missile technology to Pakistan.
In early 1995, Schwartz sent a letter to Clinton urging that responsibility for satellite-export licenses be shifted from the State Department to the Commerce Department. Meanwhile, both Schwartz and Johnny Chung made more huge donations, in excess of $100,000, to the Democratic Party.
1995 Forester de Rothschild was one of Epsteins leading advocates and had the ear of then-President Bill Clinton in the early 1990s,
Forester de Rothschild, was a member of Clinton’s National Information Infrastructure Advisory Council, wrote the following to then-President Clinton:
Dear Mr. President: It was a pleasure to see you recently at Senator Kennedy’s house. There was too much to discuss and too little time. Using my fifteen seconds of access to discuss Jeffrey Epstein and currency stabilization, I neglected to talk to you about a topic near and dear to my heart. Namely, affirmative action and the future.”
Forester de Rothschild then states that she had been asked to prepare a memo on behalf of George Stephanopoulos, former Clinton communications director and currently a broadcast journalist with ABC News.
Stephanopoulos attended a dinner party hosted by Epstein at his now infamous Manhattan townhouse in 2010 after Epstein’s release from prison for soliciting sex from a minor.
While it is unknown what Forester de Rothschild discussed with Clinton regarding Epstein and currency stabilization, a potential lead may lie in the links of both Forester de Rothschild and Epstein to Deutsche Bank.
Journalist Vicky Ward reported in 2003 that Epstein boasted of “skill at playing the currency markets ‘with very large sums of money’” and he appears to have done much of this through his long-standing relationship with Deutsche Bank.
1995 August Hillary was given an informal briefing by billionaire philanthropist Laurence Rockefeller, on the best available UFO evidence.
An August 4, 1995, memo by President Clinton’s Science Advisor, Dr Jack Gibbons, confirmed that the Clintons would be vacationing with Rockefeller at his Teton Ranch in Wyoming that summer, and they would discuss UFOs: “You will probably see Mr Rockefeller on your vacation in the Tetons. He will want to talk with you about his interest in extrasensory perception, paranormal phenomenon, and UFOs.”
1995- Jeffrey Epstein becomes member of the Rockefeller founded Trilateral Commission joining an elite list of members/former members including Bill Clinton , George H.W. Bush, Henry Kissinger, Paul Volcker, Jimmy Carter, Alan Greenspan, etc
1995, new suspicions arose concerning the use of PROMIS in the world banking system. It was alleged Systematics, a subsidiary of Alltech Corporation comprised of Systematics Financial Services Inc., Systematics Information Services Inc. of Little Rock, Arkansas, and Systematics Telecommunications Services Inc. of Dallas, Pennsylvania, had modified the PROMIS software for sale to private banks, with the attendant back doors to allow the NSA to spy on banking operations.
The post went on to charge that Webster Hubbell had "helped work out strategies to use Systematics software to spy on commercial and central banks.
Jackson Stevens is a presidential kingmaker, a lifelong supporter of George Bush, and the Annapolis roommate of Jimmy Carter.
The billionaire Stevens‘ firm Systematics, later Axicom, had mated the illegal software with banking software.
In the late 70‘s and 80‘s Systematics handled 60-70% of all electronic banking systems in the US. Steven‘s teamed with Worthen Bank, Lippo Group and BCCI, the drug/intelligence bank to penetrate every banking system in the world. PROMIS could be used to influence and predict financial markets worldwide.
When Clinton was completely out of campaign funds it was Stevens that loaned him money to keep his campaign going.
1995: New allegations began to emerge regarding the use of PROMIS in Swiss banking operations, possibly the cause of a wave of congressional resignations in 1992
1995, with the Republicans newly in charge of congress, Rep. Jim Leach of Iowa used his position as chairman of the House Banking Committee to launch a new investigation into money laundering, drug-running and intelligence operations at Mena.
One of Leach’s first orders of business was to request that the CIA’s Inspector General, Frederick Hitz, review the agency’s files and prepare a report on Mena.
The report was completed in November 1996. It remains classified, but a summary of the report was released by Leach.
Thought still a whitewash, the IG report for the first time admitted that the CIA did have a sustained presence at Mena through the 1980s and early 1990s.
According to Hitz’s report, the CIA conducted “authorized and legal activities at the airport.” These activities included contracts for “routine aviation-related services.” They also involved a still top-secret “joint training operation with another federal agency.”
The other federal agency is almost certainly the National Security Council, which the Inspector General’s report claims handled the “interface with local officials.” The investigation also confirmed
The confession that Leach finally extracted from the CIA regarding its operations at Mena received scant notice from the press, with only the Wall Street Journal covering the report in any detail.
The Post’s Walter Pincus wrote a short item on the report, faithfully echoing the CIA’s line that it had no involvement in “money laundering, narcotics trafficking, [or] arms smuggling.”
1996-After Commerce Secretary Ron Brown’s desperate meeting with Clinton over corruption charges in which he threatened to expose campaign finance impropriety’s if they could not help .
Ron went on a trade mission, this one to Croatia to cut a deal between the neo-fascists who ran the country and the Enron Corporation. Yes, that Enron.
He never got there. The Air Force plane that carried Brown, the military version of a Boeing 737, crashed into a hillside outside Dubrovnik. Brown and 34 others were killed.
The crash took out the US Secretary of Commerce and 33 others, and prevented any further investigation into Ron Browns illegal activities on behalf of the Clintons
Many conspiracy theories allege this was not an accident
1996-Just a few years into the Clinton presidential administration, Leslie Wexner and Jeffrey Epstein would play a major role in Southern Air Transport’s relocation to Columbus, Ohio, leading to concerns among top Ohio officials that both men were not only working with the CIA, but that Wexner’s company, The Limited, sought to use the CIA-linked airline for smuggling.
1996 al-Qaeda assumed control of Ariana Airlines, Afghanistan’s national airline in 1996, for use in its illegal trade network. Passenger flights become few and erratic, as planes are used to fly drugs, weapons, gold, and personnel, primarily between Afghanistan, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Pakistan.
About nine of the 9/11 hijackers work at the Kandahar airport in 2000, which is Ariana’s main hub
The Emirate of Sharjah, in the UAE, becomes a hub for al-Qaeda drug and arms smuggling. Typically, “large quantities of drugs” are flown from Kandahar, Afghanistan, to Sharjah, and large quantities of weapons are flown back to Afghanistan.
About three to four flights run the route each day. Many weapons come from Victor Bout, a notorious Russian arms dealer based in Sharjah.
Afghan taxes on opium production are paid in gold, and then the gold bullion is flown to Dubai, UAE, and laundered into cash.
Taliban officials regularly provide militants with false papers identifying them as Ariana Airlines employees so they can move freely around the world. For instance, one flight on a Ariana small plane in 2000 lists 33 crew members.
A former National Security Council official later claims the US is well aware at the time that al-Qaeda agents regularly fly on Ariana Airlines. (However, US intelligence will not learn of the widespread use of forged Ariana IDs until after 9/11.)
The CIA learns of Bout’s connection to Ariana and the Taliban in 1998, but takes no action .
Much of the money for the 9/11 hijackers flows though these Sharjah, UAE, channels. There also are reports suggesting that Ariana Airlines might have been used to train Islamic militants as pilots.
1996-Bill Clinton’s friend and ubiquitous Democratic fundraiser Johnny Chung told Federal investigators that he funneled nearly $100,000 from the Communist Chinese military to the Democratic campaign in the summer of 1996. The money was handed to Chung by the daughter of the top commander of China’s People’s Liberation Army, General Liu Huaqing, who was also one of the top five members of the Chinese Communist Party’s ruling Politburo.
1996, prize-winning investigative journalist Gary Webb wrote a series for the San Jose Mercury News that linked North’s project to the CIA and further to the distribution of crack cocaine in the 1980s into Los Angeles, the profits having been funneled to the Contras. Webb found that the influx of Nicaraguan-supplied cocaine had fueled the widespread crack epidemic that swept through urban areas.
In 1998, CIA Inspector General Frederick Hitz confirmed much of what Webb had alleged, reporting that Contra-related entities involved in the drug trade had been protected from law enforcement by the Reagan-Bush administration